SECURING AFRICA’S WATER SUPPLY THROUGH NUCLEAR DESALINATION

By Sibusiso Mabuza a Ph.D. student in Mathematics at The University of Houston

The human can only survive by changing nature. As science and technology advances rapidly to higher levels, we get answers to the most complex of problems in life. One of these complex issues, currently facing Southern Africa and indeed other parts of Africa is the shortage of clean fresh water. In Swaziland for instance, the question has come up on several occasions on how a reliable source of fresh clean water can be obtained, especially in the drought stricken lowveld region where boreholes are an absolute necessity. The question is, how can the persistent drought that has brought about harsh realities to the rural subsistence farmer in the Ngwavuma valley as well as to the sophisticated vineyards of the Western Cape be subdued? Population growth, economic expansion, and increased pollution by mines and industries continue to make it harder and harder to get clean sources of water. This leaves us with no alternative but to seek revolutionary cutting edge solutions. Could Nuclear Desalination be the answer?

We are surrounded by water, well seawater, which is not drinkable. The process of nuclear desalination would use nuclear power to facilitate the reverse osmosis that is a key step of the process. Results were produced by some research conducted saying that desalination through nuclear power can go a long way to producing the much needed freshwater. As reported in the Science Daily, nuclear power could have limited environmental impact since there will be fewer emissions, and the nuclear plants will be sited offshore carrying out desalination as well as producing electricity for communities inland. Comparing this to fossil fuel process employed in places such as Israel, this might prove more advantageous. A scientific/industrial project of this magnitude might seem farfetched for Southern Africa, but it could open new doors in the nuclear tech industry and spur growth in other sectors. Maybe it is about time we take water from the sea to the land instead of the opposite natural process. Maybe it is about time Africans change nature to better suit our ever changing way of life.

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Fast and Furious: Elections in post-conflict environments

Nadia Ahmadou is a Junior Researcher with the Africa Conflict Prevention Programme (ACPP) of the ISS.

Elections are applauded as a positive indicator of democracy. Post conflict African countries undertaking elections are supported by regional and international partners and are encouraged to hold elections almost to the detriment of other processes equally crucial to the entrenchment of a democratic culture.. There is a tendency, in post conflict environments, to forget the combined relevance of elections, as being part of a wider and more important process of democratic stabilization as opposed to being the only requirement for democracy. There doesn’t exist a specific designation for what constitutes democracy, but underlying the numerous forms are common values whereby the vision, desires and rights of the populace, not just a ruling elite, are reflected in the actions of government. The international community and the regional organizations are putting the cart before the horse, so to speak, in most post-conflict situations on the continent by demanding elections as a priority.

Peace building research has illustrated that elections in post-conflict situations serve the purpose of legitimizing a government over and beyond cementing. It is assumed that a legitimate government will then be able to handle any required transitions to peace and democracy. This serves further as a stopgap measure for the international community to be able to withdraw and focus its attention elsewhere. True that different conflicts require different approaches to their resolutions as well as for the establishment of a democracy; a short-term response in the form of hastily put together elections cannot bode well for long-term peace and the achievement of democracy. That aside, such elections are rarely a sign of the establishment of a legitimate government.

In the immediate future, the Central African region is, and will remain, a glaring illustration of this reality e.g Burundi and the Central African Republic (CAR), where democratic constitutions have been applied at a rather superficial level. A sustainable strategy for democratization would, for example, involve prioritizing the maturing and strengthening of institutions such as the judiciary and legislature, in addition to constituting a legitimate and credible electoral commission. It would also involve raising the political consciousness and awareness of the people in understanding what democracy, à la base entails and their rights and duties as citizens in a democratic system are. For example, in countries such as Rwanda, the development of the Gacaca courts as a traditional mechanism for justice, and part of the wider peace building architecture was accompanied by awareness-raising across the country. The project was taken to the local communities where awareness was generated and a certain sense of legitimacy achieved. The community has a right to understand the nature of the process and a duty to serve within this process, of which it was made aware during the various campaigns prior to the institution of the courts. Such an understanding of top level processes allows for increased ownership and grants more legitimacy to the process.

Unfortunately, it appears to be sufficient to set up electoral commissions in a short space of time with subsequent – often dubious – elections to be applauded by the international community as being democratic. The development of credible democratic institutions remains far removed from the electoral process that takes precedence over every other democratic practice. Priority issues in post conflict societies such as Disarmament Demobilization and Re-integration (DDR), do not accompany the path to elections; and even when it does, the culture of militarization of political movements gearing up to the elections remains a facet of the process. It further keeps the country far away from long-term, sustainable peace. If democracy, as conceptualised by Abraham Lincoln, means a “rule for the people, of the people and by the people”, how do ill-planned and potentially rigged elections lead to it?

It is critical to recognise that elections are not in themselves sufficient to lend credibility and give legitimacy to governments that are yet to become democratic. This is even more crucial in post-conflict environments where they are meant to legitimize a government that in turn would ensure long-term peace and steer democratization. Holding elections within an environment that does not contain a culture of peaceful resolution of socio-political conflicts and democratic practices represents a farce, a joke at the expense of those who are deeply in need of an improvement in security, their political rights and opportunities, and economic well being.

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Malema the “One-Dimension Man”

By Reuben S. Dlamini

Julius Malema is the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) president. He was born in 1981 in Seshego township, Limpompo province, South Africa. He is renowned for being a controversial public and political figure who is very outspoken on socio-political issues, and living a lavish lifestyle. His salary, which he claims to be making at the ANCYL, and his lavish lifestyle, are not directly proportional. Malema, with his imperial arrogance, like the west he criticizes, has no room in the new democracy.

As he goes around exhorting, "violence, racism and misogynism", Malema should know that South Africa, in its infant democratic stage, cannot afford his utterances. There is no need for him to open unhealed wounds while driving top of the range cars, living in Sandton, and using his political power to obtain lucrative governments contracts for his companies. Malema should stop betraying the confidence and trust of the citizens he pledged to serve, as he recently did in the midst of his birthday celebration, having live music bands, and in which high-profile politicians were served Moet and Chandon champagne. As Henry James called America a “Hotel Civilization,” where lights are on all the time, rooms kept clean, and never see who cleans them, Malema has an obsession of comfort and convenience.

Yes, there is nothing wrong for politicians to be rich, but for Malema being able to afford a $34,000 Breitling watch, two expensive homes, and a black Mercedes-Benz C63, while his official monthly salary is $2, 700, is disturbing. As you can see the numbers do not match in anyway his lavish lifestyle. Malema should not become so cynical that he forgets about the fundamental duty he has as president of the ANCYL to serve and promote issues affecting the young people of South Africa and African youth at large. Malema must be the stalwart of transformative economic policies and stop being complacent about his political power. He should be championing policies on healthcare, education, business ethics, entrepreneurship, women, and youth empowerment.

He is a disgrace to the African National Congress (ANC) because of his utterances on private and public stage, and his controversial remarks undermine the work the ANC has been doing to transform The Republic of South Africa. On May 3, 2010 the Time magazine listed Malema as the worlds “least influential” and among the most “un-influential” figures in 2010. The ANC leadership is not helping the situation by calling Malema the future president of The Republic of South Africa. Encouraging a young up coming politician is a good thing, but he should be held accountable for his hate speeches and the promises he made on land seizure while visiting Zimbabwe.

His access to the business community movers and shakers in South Africa should not make him compromise his sincere commitment to public service. Julius Malema, just like the Mandelas and the Tambos, must use his power to enact positive socio-economic change for the masses in South Africa. As the editor of Time magazine Rick Stengel puts it, service, “is not about the influence of power but rather the power of influence.” According to Earl G. Graves, Sr. of Black Enterprise, service is “an extension of one’s absolute duty to family, church, community, the military, and one’s country.” As Malema claims to be the spokesperson for the marginalized groups economically, he needs to examine his life, as service is about the one who contributes, than the one who receives. With the power and political will that Julius exhibits, he can empower ordinary South African citizens to do extra ordinary things.

Malema needs to perform some self-examination before starting to address other people’s concerns and wishes. It’s imperative that he knows who he is, and what his values and principles are. He needs to honor the core values of those who fought the apartheid regime, and those within the governing party, the ANC, instead of going around undermining its efforts to transform the rainbow nation, and Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. A “one-dimension man” is not a solution to the challenges facing South Africa and the continent. The concept of a “one-dimensional man” is defined as conforming to existing thought and behavior with no critical dimension to transcend the existing society (Marcuse, 1964). Malema’s ideological manipulations hinder radical social change. With Malema blaming the whites in South Africa he should first check the mirror and ask himself what has he done for the less fortunate citizens of The Republic of South Africa.

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Should we allow the media to be subdued in Africa?

By Agaptus Anaele

As we ponder over some of the activities of kwame Nkrumah reputed for his Pan Africanism, the freedom of the media remains an important element in African development. The media including traditional newspapers, electronic media were instrumental to Nkrumah’s achievements. Perhaps the political feats recorded by Nkrumah may have been difficult without the media. Through his evening newspaper, The Accra Evening News established in 1948, Nkrumah consistently launched fierce attack at colonial government adding to his demand for Ghana’s independence, “The gentlemanly dialogue of nineteenth century newspapers transformed into full-blown anti-colonial protest in the newspapers of the 1930s,” a commentator remarked. In addition to the conventional media, Nkrumah creatively utilized unconventional means to communicate with his followers while in detention. His ingenious mass communication included scribbling words in tissue papers, which was transmitted to his retinue of supporters who implemented the strategies.

The colonial government occasionally attempted gagging his public awareness through censorship, but he rebuffed the attempts. I could not agree more with Nkrumah on the importance of the media in the struggle for liberation and national development. No doubt, there is considerable increase in the number of media organizations in the region, but the trend in many of the African countries is disturbing. Formal, informal and subtle censorship of the media ranks high. Assassination of media practitioners seems to have taken a dangerous dimension. Hordes of Nigerian journalists have been assassinated for exposing corruption. Similarly, there have been reports of intimidation of journalists in Ghana and media institutions, ostensibly to cow them from objective reporting. Pockets of constitutional provisions that prohibit media censorship exist, but adherence to these stipulations remains a challenge.

African leaders must reconsider their approach to media censorship. Conscious efforts must be made to reevaluate the protection of the media institutions because they represent important mediums to actualize development in Africa. We must not allow attempts to cover our weaknesses in office to take precedence over national interest. Africans must effectively utilize the digital media that has expanded the global media landscape. The media remains an important element for checks and balances. We must all support media freedom to advance development in the continent.

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Remembering Makeba: who is the next Mama Africa?

By Siphokazi Magadla

It has been almost 2 years since the death of Miriam Makena on November 10, 2008. To the world she was known as Mama Africa and the Empress of African Song. I saw Mama Makeba for the first time in 2004 performing at Rhodes University’s 100 years celebration. Despite the fact that Makeba was 75 years old at the time, we were all struggling to keep up with her as she jumped up and down performing her popular songs including Pata Pata and Qongqothwane (the click song). I often wondered in silence why one person would be known as the mother of the whole continent. But now I get it!

Makeba the global citizen, the global leader, was first and foremost the manifestation of pan-Africanism. She loved Africa; not a superficial kind of loving Africa which involves a tattoo of the African continent on your shoulder or a collection of books on Mandela, Lumumba, Nkrumah and others. I am talking about the kind of loving that Cornel West talks about, the kind of love that begins at home and spills over to the whole world. In Makeba you see this kind of love for Soweto in her song Pata Pata, but the love quickly spills over as this young girl became a woman, and a mother of the continent. As Mama Africa she demands Africa to come back- Mayibuye. This is the kind of love that led her to dedicate her whole life to telling the whole world that the African agenda of post-colonialism is not only good for the Africans themselves, but for the world as well.

In 1966, six years after she was refused entry to South Africa in 1960 to come bury her mother, a defiant Makeba stood proudly at Bern’s Salonger in Stockholm, Sweden singing Mayibuye (Come back Africa), Kilimanjaro and Mbube among others. At the time the bulk of the leaders of the liberation movements in South Africa had been successfully silenced by the South African government; tucked away in Robben Island. At the time of her death Makeba had been to all African countries with the exception of five. It was Makeba who reminded South Africans months before her passing that the xenophobic attacks of 2008 were an embarrassment to the country, especially because she, like most of the political leaders in South Africa had for decades depended on other Africans during the fight against Apartheid. But sadly, now she is gone.

Now I wonder, who is the next Mama Africa? Who among us can profess that kind of love for Africa? The kind of love that forces us to demand a lot more of ourselves and to put what Cornel West calls “loving pressure” that does not attempt to rationalize the terrible conditions of the marginalized in our communities. Do we have the kind of love that denies itself the luxury of saying “I deserve”, “I ought to have this and that” but instead says as Makeba sings in Chove Chuva “they say I will forget you, but I say I never will.”

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‘MEN WHO WANT TO BREATHE INTO OTHER MEN’S EARS’: HOMOSEXUALITY AND HOMOPHOBIA IN AFRICA- A CALL FOR PROACTIVE ACTION FROM AFRICAN LEADERS AND GOVERMENTS

By: Gcobani Qambela (a Graduate student at Rhodes University, reading Joint Honours in Anthropology and Politics and International Studies).

The innate homophobia in most African countries has recently been brought to the fore in the past few months. Steve Monjeza (26) and Tiwonge Chimbalanga (20) generated both continental and international interest in December 2009 when they became the first gay partners to be publicly engaged to marry in Malawi. They were consequently imprisoned and have continuously been denied bail as they wait for their trail date for their “indecency” charges by the state. They could be imprisoned for up to 14 years if the charges by the state are found to be substantiated.

Uganda has similarly steered similar interest with its intended moves to criminalize homosexuality, going as far as to propose that it be an offense punishable by the death penalty. More recently Zimbabwean Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai has expressed his support for President Robert Mugabe’s views pertaining to gay rights and is widely quoted as stating that there is no space for “men who want to breathe into other men’s ears…” when there are so many women in Zimbabwe they could be with.

Fascinating and disturbing enough however has been the absence of critical voices from African leaders to create the proper context in which a more open and progressive debate on gay rights and the blatant homophobia currently rampaging the African continent can be analyzed and scrutinized. It is against this backdrop that I argue that African leaders need to take a more proactive stance when it comes to gay rights, as opposed to always reacting to campaigns waged by civil society or other external factors advocating for gay rights outside the state.

Both homosexuality and homophobia are a reality in most, if not all African countries, and merely criminalizing or affording homosexuals limited rights is not the ideal long term-solution. Homosexuals, just like heterosexuals are equally worthy of the protection and enjoyment of the law, which at its core should in anyways protect the marginal and oppressed in society.

Autocratic statements and bigotry laws that promote and suggest heterosexuality to be the only mode of sexual preference should have no space in a continent like Africa that itself has a deep history of oppression of cultures, ideals and identities. Discrimination based on sexual orientation just cannot be tolerated in the African continent. African leaders cannot preach ubuntu (the idea that one’s humanity is realized though other people) to the world, and not at the basic and salient level afford adult men and women the chance to love and marry each other simply because they are of the same sex.

Arguments that homosexuality is “un-African” no longer have a place in 21st century African. Guardian columnist Blessing-Miles Tendi recently pointed to the fact that amongst the Azande, found in the north-east of what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo, it was perfectly acceptable for Kings, Princes and soldiers to take young male lovers as spouses. This then diffuses the common assumption that homosexuality is a relatively novel occurrence in Africa brought about by Westerners.

I conclude that it is shameful that only handful of African leaders have spoken-out about the violation of homosexuals intrinsic rights. This mutism from African leaders only serves to perpetuate the unjust laws and the so-called “corrective rapes” which most homosexuals have to contend with from African society that is content to “cure” them.

African leaders need to take proactive standpoint on the issue. An open space for dialogue not only between African leaders themselves, but also civil society and other non-state actors needs to be created to foster debate and programmes that will move the African continent towards more tolerance, respect and protection of marginal and minority groups like homosexuals in Africa.

The apathy of African leaders towards homosexuals and homophobic attacks consequently forged on them can no longer go unquestioned. Africa has the capacity to accommodate homosexuals “‘if we can change the bent of the [African] human heart which seems to instinctively fear what it cannot – or will not – identify in itself, the eradication of homophobia will remain a Utopian goal’ (Sylvain Larocque). African leaders need to do exactly that – lead!


(1). N Barker ‘Sex and the Civil Partnership Act: The Future of (non)Conjugality’ (2006) 14 Feminist Legal Studies 241, 244

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Kwame Nkrumah’s Legacy: David Birmingham’s view

Written by Bose Maposa

As we continue in our weekly discussions regarding the presidency of Kwame Nkrumah and some of the most important lessons that can be extracted from his leadership, a key aspect that constantly lingers is the importance of decision making. In the end, what I have come to realize is that what we question about our leaders is precisely their ability to make sound decisions. Specifically who deems those decisions sound or meaningful- the whole population or sections of it? What differences and similarities exist in decision making when running for office and while in office?

In line with Nkrumah’s first message, “Africa for the Africans”, David Birmingham (1) outlines three threads as the foundations of his leadership; the concept of black identity; the search for national autonomy and; and advocacy for a Pan-African identity. His legacy as the ‘Father of Nationalism’ or the ‘Father of Pan-Africanism’ speaks to the first and last thread.

An example of Nkrumah's pursuit of national autonomy is the example of the Volta region project which was discussed last week. As Damilola questioned Nkrumah’s vision, the question still remains-what really went wrong with the building of the dam? This was supposed to be an innovative way for Ghana to attain national autonomy. I believe it all goes back to decision-making.

My argument is that the legacy of the Volta region project is an example of bad, autocratic decision-making. Despite the fact that the idea in itself was a good one, it was not done through a democratic process. Nkrumah forgot the principles in which he ran for office. We know of his relationships with the youth movement; with the cocoa farmers; his mobilizing of women and his strive to move beyond ethnic politics- all of which was based on a culture of engagement.

Birmingham believes that Nkrumah forgot his foundations as no evaluation, no consultation, and no discussion was ever made about the implications of this dam with the interested stakeholders. Any attempt to advice from all these groups was met by Nkrumah’s deaf ear. One can ask why was then so different about this particular project?

In seeing his vision of what the dam would do, Nkrumah did not compromise. He writes in his autobiography, maybe what might have been his motivation and reason that “ what other countries have taken three hundred years or more to achieve, a once dependent territory must try to accomplish in a generation if it is to survive. Unless it is, as it were, ‘jet-propelled’, it will lag behind and thus risk everything for which it has fought” (Nkrumah, p x).

Nkrumah naivety led him to be “an early victim of the capitalist realization that lending to Third World could be extremely profitable” (Birmingham, p 66). In addition he forgot the foundation of his leadership. So in response to the question of how a leader can align his vision with the desires of his people, I give you Nelson Mandela’s number 8 lesson in leadership-Quitting is leading too (2) .

(1) All references to David Birmingham are based on his book Kwame Nkrumah: The father of nationalism.
(2) http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1821467-3,00.html

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A Leader’s Vision and the People’s Desires

by Damilola Daramola

In our weekly discussion at the Bokamoso Leadership Forum, we'll be looking at the documentary Pandora’s Box: Black Power which focuses on the building of the Volta Dam in Ghana during Kwame Nkrumah’s time. This documentary is available on YouTube in 5 parts: Part 1, Part 2, Part 3, Part 4 and Part 5.

In Oumar’s article last week, he talked about leaders feeling the need to leave a legacy that lives on after they are gone. Sometimes as in the case of the Senegalese president he examined, this legacy can be more of a sign of megalomania. In Kwame Nkrumah’s case however, one can directly see how the building of a dam can directly improve the citizens through the provision of electricity. Yet, Nkrumah was vilified for this project due to the immense debt into which it plunged the young nation of Ghana at the time.

As such we have these two scenarios: one leader erects a statue and the other builds a dam. Both of these projects are legacies of these leaders and both felt that their visions needed to be carried to the very end. Yet, even though one would provide a tangible result (dam = electricity), the other is not as tangible (statue = renaissance/pride).

As people who aspire to improve the present conditions of our home countries and the African continent, we have thought and talked about the different ways to make an impact. I have heard people say fresh and young blood is needed in the government. Others believe that perhaps dictatorship isn’t so bad after all especially if placed in the hands of the balanced leader. I have also heard people who stand by democracy as the way in which the African continent can go forward.

Consider though that none of the aforementioned ideas are necessarily wrapped up in success. The youth still need to be trained by the older generation in order to avoid their pitfalls, dictators have absolute power which ends up corrupting them no matter how good they start off and “democracy” in a lot of African countries is controlled by the party with the most financial backing.

What if we imagine the glass to be half-full and dream, for a moment, that the best of circumstances present themselves? The gift of hindsight shows that no matter how great an impact you think an idea has, the people you are leading and more importantly serving will not necessarily fall in line with that vision. Going past Kwame Nkrumah’s dam, there was a discussion in one of the Forum meetings where it was mentioned that some believed Nelson Mandela’s acceptance of the Nobel Peace prize with De Klerk was a farce. While this might come as a surprise to some, it made sense to those who opposed it because they felt it would present a picture that apartheid was over when it had really been replaced by insidious racism.

What then happens when the vision that you have as a leader doesn’t align with the wants of the people that have placed you in charge? Is the test of leadership in the ability to project the vision in such a way that it becomes acceptable to a majority of the people? Is it possible that the only way a legacy is established is when it has stood the test of time despite the praise or curses it might incur at the moment of inception?

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African Leaders and The Quest for a Lasting Legacy

by Oumar Ba, Graduate student at Ohio University

It is quite normal for any leader to try to leave behind a legacy in the history books and collective memory of the people. On the African continent, some leaders’ names are forever associated with movements, ideas, events, buildings, and revolutions. Whenever we come across the name of Kwame Nkrumah, we cannot help but think of Pan-africanism, Steven Biko is the prince of Black Consciousness, Mandela is the father of the Rainbow Nation, Nasser is the towering figure of Arab nationalism and so on. It happens that the hero becomes a tyrant, as did Sekou Toure, the man who said “No” to the General De Gaulle on September 28, 1958 and later became famous for the death camps of Conakry. Houphouet Boigny led a peaceful multi-ethnic nation that crumbled after him, and left behind the controversial Basilica of Our Lady of Peace in his hometown of Yamoussoukro, the biggest one in the world (bigger that the St Peter’s Basilica in Rome), which cost over 300 million dollars.

The theme of African Renaissance is omnipresent in the discourse of the contemporary African leadership. It is associated with the names of Thabo Mbeki, Olusegun Obasanjo, and Abdoulaye Wade, although Cheikh Anta Diop theorized it as early as 1948 . Of course, Africa needs ambitious leaders and we must dare to dream big. However, when the quest for a lasting legacy leads to tragic choices that ignore the basic needs of the people, it becomes problematic. The construction of the African Renaissance Monument in Dakar and its inauguration on April 3rd 2010 during the celebration of the 50th anniversary of Senegal’s independence is one of the instances of our leaders turning their back on the peoples’ basic needs in the sole purpose of serving their ego.

The monument is a 164-foot tall bronze statue (higher than the Statue of Liberty) erected on the mountaintop of Dakar’s suburbs and it depicts a man, his wife and baby “rising from the ashes of darkness and reaching out to the world”, according to its creator President Abdoulaye Wade. Its official cost is $27 Million, but many believe the real cost is much higher. A North Korean firm built it over a period of four years.

Besides the Stalinist character of this monument that reminds us of the demised repressive regimes of the Soviet era, one is led to question if it is wise to spend so much money on a statue to promote African Renaissance. Wouldn’t Africa be better served if these vast amounts of money were invested in the education of its youth who are crossing the Sahara desert by foot, hoping to find better opportunities in Europe? How about creating job opportunities for the thousands of teenagers (male and female) that leave the Western African coast by night aboard tiny fishing “boats” heading for Spain?

Amidst all the controversies that surrounded the construction of this statue (and the limits imposed on the length of this piece prevent us from discussing them), the one regarding its ownership is the most outrageous one. When a Senegalese newspaper revealed that the monument was registered at the African Intellectual Property Organization under the name of President Wade instead of being a property of the Republic of Senegal, Wade later said that he is the intellectual author of the monument. And as such, he owns 35% of all the revenues that would derive from the operation of the monument as a touristic destination. I think this qualifies as a definition of a daylight robbery.

The tragic irony of this story is that the office building of the Hospital Le Dantec of Dakar burned down two days after the inauguration of the monument due to the decay of its electrical wiring. Le Dantec was built by the French colonizers in 1913 to serve the indigenous populations and reserve the Hospital Principal of Dakar that was built in 1886 for the French expatriates that were living in Senegal at the time. These are still the only two fully functioning hospitals in Senegal. Fifty years after the independence, Senegal has yet to build a single fully functioning hospital.


1 - Cheikh Anta Diop, “Quand pourra-t-on parler de renaissance africaine?” Le Musee Vivant, Sepcial Issue, Vol 36-37, November, 1948.

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African Nations’ Independence, Really!!!

by Hassirou Tall. Hassirou graduated from the Dpt. of Law Studies and Political Science at the University Cheikh A Diop of Dakar

In the 1960’s, many of the African nations gained their independence from their European occupants. There were high hopes, joy, and dreams that finally came true. The reign of the foreign belligerent had finally come to an end, and Africans would rule their countries according to their own will. But really, are we better off today than fifty years ago when we were dependent to Europeans?

What did our African leaders accomplish since our independence? More corruption! Yes. More Mismanagement! Of course. More division among its people! You bet. Less economic opportunities! Without doubt. So we ought to ask ourselves, after fifty years of so called “African independence”, where we stand as a continent and as a people. What’s obvious is that the African continent is still suffering, but now it’s the doing its own people. No more blaming the Europeans.

But what are the solutions to our problems though? After a half century, why is Africa still under developed? Why is it that the African continent cannot emerge from its tribulations? The solutions, no matter how efficient they will be, cannot come from any one person, any one group, or any one generation. The solutions to our problems, the solutions to the continent’s problems have to be a collection of ideas from all walks of life.

As a student, I see the first problem to tackle as education: that’s the basis of all durable development. We need more literate people, more educated people moving to a higher level. Most importantly, we need to keep those who attended universities, be it in Africa or elsewhere, to work for Africa. In a sense, we need to stop the “brain drain” of our intellectuals. Most of us who are privileged to go to a western university do not come back to work for Africa because of economic reasons, most of the time. And let me tell you “shame on us”. We should be going home to lend a hand to our continent. It’s not a waste, but an investment in ourselves, in our children, and in our continent.

Each generation that has passed so far has refused to bear the burden, to make the sacrifice needed for a better Africa. Each generation is putting it off until tomorrow. But for us, our conscience will not rest until we do the right thing—to make the sacrifice of going back after we amass some wealth and some knowledge, and put to work for Africa. Our generation has seen indefinite, merciless, and absurd wars between African countries, African people, and sometimes among different ethnic groups or religions. We have seen young people putting their live on the line just to be able to get out of the continent for better opportunities. We have seen starvation and the consequence of a wide spread illiteracy.

Our generation cannot just ignore its call to action! As students and future leaders of Africa, we should not sleep or rest until we find solutions to African problems. Our conscience will not let us replicate the same mistakes that have been crumpling Africa for fifty years.

My question to you is: do you really want to pass the burden to the next generation, or do you want to be strong and fight nail and tooth for Africa’s development? Are you ready for the challenges, or do you just want to lay low, and blame others? Show me what you got and stop the blame game. It is time to take responsibility for our own people and our own continent!

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The Botswana political status- Quo: How the Botswana Democratic Party master plan went wrong

by Thusego Mmolawa (Artist, Activist and independent essayist based in Edinburgh, Scotland)

The master plan orchestrated by the Botswana Democratic Party leadership in ensuring undisputed votes has backfired. With the recent political situation in Botswana-we look at how the leadership underestimated the current president Ian Khama and how his type of leadership has caused a rift amongst the party leadership and its members.

President Ian Khama does not have a strong political background. His ascendance to parliament was a pleasant surprise to Botswana. He was recruited from the army where he was the Commander in Chief. His father Sir Seretse Khama was the first president of Botswana, the paramount chief of the Bangwato tribe. The popularity and love for the Khama name is strong from the central part of Botswana to the upper northern regions of the country. The ruling Botswana Democratic party has reigned since independence of 1966 under Sir Seretse Khama’s leadership.

The recruitment of Ian Khama into parliament was a decision undertaken by the BDP leadership to ensure that the regions where the Bangwato chieftaincy rules remains supportive to the party. Most of these regions are rural areas where the locals have been indoctrinated to support the ruling party because their elders support it. These are regions where political education is minimal.

The urbanization of the youth means that the educated and political conscious are located in the capital cities or the more developed towns. This makes Botswana’s democracy peculiar, in the sense that the rural people vote for the party their village elders and families have voted and supported for years. Party related policies and manifestos are not a priority amongst the local rural traditional people.

The customary law and culture in Botswana has played a significant role in what is happening in Botswana’s sense of democracy. Ian Khama is chief by birth right. In Setswana culture it is an abomination to disagree with a chief.

When the Member of Parliament for Tonota (my home village) disagreed with the president over MPs salaries and benefits, he was called to order by the village elders and told to make an official apology to the president; he was told that he has upset the gods by disagreeing with the chief. This does not aid a good democratic movement in any environment including Botswana. A democratic leader should be criticized by both his followers and the opposition-that is the democratic culture.

This makes Botswana’s politics interesting, we have the Hon Ian Khama, the president of Botswana, and on the other hand we have Ian Khama the paramount Chief of the Bangwato, with all these powers the Botswana Democratic Party leadership was assured of the majority of votes for a long time. This has proven not to be practical because with his chieftaincy he cannot be criticized. As a president his leadership skills are that of a military lord, which has led to political unrest amongst the ruling party leaders, who are now divided into two factions; those who are Pro Ian Khama and those who are Pro BDP and what it has always stood for.

The present dilemma is that Hon Ian Khama is the rightfully elected president of Botswana. His policy reviews, bill amendments have been viewed as that of a dictator by the pro party members and their supporters. Criticizing his leadership has led to allegations of public servants facing disciplinary actions. Botswana is a democratic nation, but with the president in office as a Chief, he cannot be criticized in public due to Setswana custom.

Ian Khama should denounce one of his powers so that democracy can have its course. If this is impossible Botswana should consider becoming a monarchy. Let’s have Ian Khama as the Paramount Chief of Botswana and call for fresh elections in which a prime minister will be selected, preferably someone with a strong political background

It is quite alarming that with the recent developments the president has not given a public press conference or an official public announcement regarding the political unrest. President Ian Khama does not give a lot of public interviews. I contend that this behaviour is not good for politics, a leader should be transparent before his followers; they should engage the general public in any political developments.

The present political dynamics are fascinating, and long overdue. The reshuffling, the confusion and the political unrest are good for Botswana, all eyes are on the BDP leadership to see how they solve this predicament. The public will follow the developments that have caused local news headlines and will ask important questions such as: What are the strategies they are going to adopt if the Pro Party members start a new party? How different is their manifesto going to be from the original BDP? Other issues they have towards the president will also be highlighted.

As an activist for transparency in Botswana politics, the political situation in my home country Botswana will teach young people to be more active in local politics. Thus educating others with the hope that knowledge will reach the rural communities, which are always left out when it comes to political and developmental issues. The political dynamics will ensure that people will go out and look for parties to support based on what they stand for. People will start to scrutinize their leaders, which will aid a culture of transparency and democracy.

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Reflections on the Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah

In the Winter Quarter of 2010, Bokamoso Leadership Forum members read through The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah. A couple of articles will be dedicated to reflections by the members on the ideas stuck out to them in the book. We would love for you to join in the conversation by posting comments


Bose Maposa
Stemming from a sports background, one of the things that caught my attention as I read the autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, despite its brief mentioning, was that he too “…discovered that sportsmanship was a vital part of a man’s character, and this led [him] to realize the importance of encouraging sport in the development of a nation” (p.16). Consequently, this year, as its been the motto for our blog, we are gearing up for the World Cup in South Africa, where for the first time an African country will get the chance to host one of the biggest sporting events. Nonetheless, the discourse surrounding the build up to the event, besides the enormous social capital signaled by pride, is one that demonstrates that sport has become elitist and is void of true development. Any bells ringing there? I am sure there are a couple!
What we see, almost what could be a reflection of those promises of ‘independence’ is a quest by the elite for a never ending treasure hunt, which when attained, does not seem to trickle down to the ordinary citizens. The good held by the promises; be it independence or the value of sport, has been eroded and now is being delivered to a select few. Furthermore, FIFA, just like the colonial powers, is exploiting Africa (it is not the only though). So will South Africa, after the World Cup, that is post World Cup South Africa, be like Post-colonial Africa? Unfortunately, it seems so.

Damilola Daramola
In the "Motion of Destiny" Kwame Nkrumah dedicated a paragraph referring to fighting a system (I returned the book so I don't have the direct quote but feel free to look it up). I remember speaking to my colleagues about what the word "system" meant to them and each person passed on their ideas on the word. If we look at the struggles for independence, the "freedom fighters" knew who the enemy was and therefore could point their hand at them (i.e. colonial masters). Although African countries have broken free from colonial chains, the system still exists albeit insidiously as it is now instituted by indigenes. The system has become something intangible. Reading those words again "we are fighting against a system" made me wonder if anything had really changed in the years since the 60s. Is the system ever one that can be tamed? I relate it to the drug culture worldwide where if a drug baron is replaced, another appears in his place to take over that empire. Are African countries doomed to repeat the mistakes of the past continuously?
I remember a quote from a friend of mine on twitter "People want big organizations to spearhead change when caring people are real fuel for good." Somehow I believe that's the key to our success. It's not the government that will do it for us, it's not the outside Aid non-profits that will do it for us. It is us who believe that making someone's life that much better daily and spreading the idea of purpose will eventually get us there. The call is to "be a better you."

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Dicing with death in South African townships: “jub jub” and ambivalent hegemonic masculinities among black South African youth

By: Gcobani Qambela (a Graduate student at Rhodes University, reading Joint Honours in Anthropology and Politics and International Studies)

Monday the 8th of March 2010 is not a date that will easily be forgotten in the history of South Africa. This is the day that four teenage boys tragically lost their lives on their way back from school in Soweto, South Africa's largest township. The four boys were hit by a mini-cooper after a drag race went horribly wrong causing a crash on one of Soweto's busiest roads and killing the boys instantly.

One of the drivers of the two mini-coopers involved in the deadly dice is allegedly infamous South African rapper-turned-gospel star Molemo Maarohanye, more popularly known as "Jub-Jub." Shock and anger immediately gripped the nation mourning the loss of four young lives, with two more young lives still in critical condition at the Baragwanath hospital in Johannesburg at the time of publication of this paper.

The focal point of the South African media has ever since then been on the trial of Maarohanye, following each and every protest and outcry resulting out of the catastrophic drag race. The media reports have however largely channeled all the focus on the consequences of the accident and hardly any regard has been dedicated to uprooting the cause of the accident.

By "cause" I am not referring to the material causes of the accident (i.e. the level of intoxication, driving on the wrong side of the road, driving above the prescribed speed limit, etc). When I talk of "causes" I am referring to the cultural rearing that allowed Maarohanye and his friend to drag race in broad daylight in a very busy township street and not practice any form of self-restraint.

This paper argues that drag racing in South African townships amongst black male youth is a convoluted phenomenon with a very long and complex history that is inextricably linked with the black male’s assertion of masculinity.

While acknowledging that the two drivers were no doubt reckless in their conduct and that the law ought to takes its course, the paper argues that the two drivers were victims of cultural norms accumulated (consciously or unconsciously) through time.

I contend that while it might seem logical to shun upon “Jub Jub” for the crash, I argue that this serves no one any good, especially the youth in South African townships. I contend that to move forward and prevent another disastrous accident like this one from occurring, black South African male youth in South Africa’s townships need to reconstruct their perceptions of masculinity and do away with ambivalent and hegemonic masculinities that are no longer in line with the boni mores of South African society.

The connection between high risk behaviors such as drag racing among black males in South Africa’s townships as a performance of masculinity is still a largely unexplored area in both academe and the media in South Africa. Most of the studies undertaken focus primarily on high risk behavior among male youth related to sex, HIV/Aids and gender violence.

Drag racing became popular in most of South Africa’s townships in the mid-1970’s and has since formed an essential part of the assertion of masculinity by most male township youth. The young men partaking in drag racing want to show off their masculinity, both to other men and females. They want to be seen as dangerous and “cool” by the society for which they ’perform’ their masculinity for. Young men who master this dangerous race are treated with respect by their community, and with much admiration by most youth and are often allowed entry into territories that are normally reserved for “men“ only.

Drag racing in most South African townships is thus not merely as simplistic as two young men racing irresponsibly, but there is also an important and critical cultural dynamic involved in partaking in the race which media reports have failed to take into account.

The only peculiar thing about “Jub-Jub’s” accident is that it involved an infamous personality in the South African entertainment industry. There have been countless other reports in the past of South African township youth who kill many people while drag racing (especially on Matriculation farewell parties towards the end of each year) and yet no proper research has been done to uncover the causes as to why drag racing persists despite its highly fatal nature.

While it is tragic that it had to take four young lives and an infamous celebrity to bring the drag racing practice in South African townships to the fore. I conclude that this awful accident should allow South African youth in the townships a chance to reflect on whether this ambivalent race should still be continued in South African townships or not, even though it is no longer in line with contemporary South African mores which now place the utmost importance on human life.

“Jub Jub”, I thus contend, was a victim of his socialization in South African townships. He is a victim of the principles collected from his childhood and youth in Soweto that to be a “man” one must be able to engage in high risk and dangerous activities like drag racing. While I do believe that he and his friend should be punished accordingly as the law provisions for the consequences of their masculine performance.

It is still important that we keep in mind that what happened was an accident and that his intention was not to kill those four young boys; but rather like most township youth he was engaged in an highly dangerous and deadly act of masculine performance that is perfectly acceptable in most South African townships.

Male South African youth in South Africa’s townships thus need to reflect on the practices that they use to constitute their masculinity and determine whether or not such practices have any place at all in present day South Africa. The South African Department of Social Development needs to play a key role in informing the youth in South Africa’s townships about alternative ways of asserting masculinity in non harmful ways.

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Jos Massacre, the Biafra question and tolerance

BY: Damilola Daramola

Life as a graduate student can often insulate you from things going on in the world at large. Although the question a student is trying to answer deals with solving real-world problems, the lens that a graduate student looks through is often so narrowed that one might forget the big picture. As such a student forgets that the point of research is not to memorize quotes or analyze essays, but to provide steps to a solution that makes the world a better place. Sometimes it takes an unfortunate event to jolt us back to the reason why we are educating ourselves.

The happenings of March 7^th in Jos (Plateau State of Nigeria) which ended the lives of between 300 – 500 people and injured almost twice as many has been that event for me (New York Times Article). A group of muslim men attacked the town of Dogo Na Hawa and began killing and butchering the villagers. Houses were set on fire to smoke out people and as they started fleeing, they were cut down. The motivation for these men was the attacks that occurred in January 2010. At that time, a group of Christian men and been involved in similar clashes with the Muslims suffering most of the death toll. It’s hard to pin point when all this fighting began, but clashes in Jos have been happening as far back as when I was a student in secondary school at the age of 14, perhaps even before then. At that time, the reports were classified as religious clashes and people grumbled about how Muslims can be extreme and the conversation stopped after the violence was stopped. There are some who believe that Muslims are nothing more than a violent religios group, but there are extremists within both Christianity and Islam. The Bible and any Christian will tell you that belief in Jesus Christ is the only way to eternal life (John 14:6 & John 3:16). On the other hand, you have Muslims also saying that Islam is the path to finding God and the jihad is mentioned as the process of spreading principles of Islam: “Fight those who believe not in Allah . . . until they pay the tax in acknowledgement of superiority and they are in a state of subjection.” (Quran 9:29) Although only a well-versed Christian or Muslim can explain the context for these passages, history shows us that extremists have also used these texts to taint the names of these two religions. Therefore a place like Jos where both religions exist creates a volatile situation in the wrong hands.

In the conversations I have had with other Nigerians about this recent massacre, there have been numerous suggestions of separation/secession as the solution. This was the same idea that the Eastern region of Nigeria had when secession was being planned to form the country of Biafra in 1967 (resulting in Civil War). Some have strengthened the argument stating that Nigeria is just an idea by the colonial masters who made up boundaries and therefore as Nigerians, we should be able to divide along the lines of ethnicity. Yet I remember when there were similar clashes between the Ife and Modakeke in Osun State who are of the same Yoruba ethnic group. In a country where there are more than 100 different languages, it’s easy to see that even if Nigeria were to separate along the dividing rivers i.e. North, East and West, divisions still exist within these areas and there is no guarantee that clashes like this will cease. The diversity of Nigeria, along ethnic lines, shows that more than ever the conversations we should have as a people should center on tolerance as opposed to separation and the first step to tolerance is education and awareness. There are few programs that focus on teaching our history and I want to use my experience in boarding school as a reference point. Out of a graduating class of about 400 people, less than 30 people had to learn history and even then the purpose of learning was to pass an examination as opposed to learning in order to know the fabric of the nation. It’s no wonder that if you ask Nigerians today about the Civil War (also known as the Biafran War), most of those who are aware are the Ibos who were directly affected by the terrors of the time and have heard firsthand accounts from family members. A similar scenario plays out in the United States where mostly blacks are aware of the real civil struggles and that knowledge drops sharply when you go outside of the race. The phrase “Those who don’t remember the past are apt to repeat it” is clearly showing that the events that led to the secession of Biafra can emerge again.

In an interview with Christiane Amanpour on March 10^th, Former President Olusegun Obasanjo mentioned that the crisis goes past religion and is based on ethnicity, social and economic factors (Obasanjo Interview). One cannot separate the fact that religion plays a major part in the day-to-day activities of most Nigerians. In most rural areas where poverty is rampant, the hope that religion offers is often a salve for the current situation of individuals. Therefore people are apt to place more trust in their religious leaders than belief in themselves and their abilities to change their situation. Therefore if one combines the words of an extremist religious leader with the mutual distrust among ethnic groups, it is only a matter of time before simple disagreements blow up into massacres. If education about tolerance is going to begin, it has to begin in places of worship because that is where most of the illiterate population can be found. This can then be extended to the schools where young minds are being cultivated. If I understand my neighbor as a person and value their life and way of thinking (irrespective of religion and ethnicity), there is no reason why we cannot co-exist together.

I realize that this article raises many issues (religion, ethnocentricity, colonialism and education) that cannot be covered in 1000 words, but I am hoping that the dialogue that ensues can attempt to tackle these issues as they are not just peculiar to Nigeria, but to the continent as a whole. Is our problem the different languages we speak, the social separation that exists between different ethnic groups or the thought that we cannot co-exist as a nation because of the divisions that the colonial masters have created?

Image courtesy of Wikipedia

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When watchdog turns cheerleader: The case of Malawi’s media policy reform

By Fletcher Ziwoya Scripps College of Communication-Ohio University

           In 1962, Jurgen Habermas, a German sociologist, wrote about a virtual community in the name of “public sphere” capable of shaping political power and policy. The Frankfurt School student was well ahead of his time and today his claims have been vindicated by the emergence of a non-state force that has wrenched power from world governments. The emergence of private media and corresponding technologies, such as the internet, has substantially changed how politics is conducted both at local and international levels. This article posits that where the media is allowed to flourish, it becomes a formidable tool in democracy consolidation, and the opposite is also true.

            Malawi has had its share of press muzzling in spite of claims on the contrary. This paper discusses the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority’s (MACRA) modus operandi in the light of national, regional and international statues safeguarding freedom of information.

On 1^st August, 1998 the Malawi government announced the initiation of a process to reform the media policy in the country. Malawi purported, inter alia, to liberalize the market and allow private sector participation in the provision of telecommunication services. The media policy reform initiative gave birth to the Malawi Communications Act of 1998 aimed at regulating the broadcasting sector. More than a decade after the media policy reform statement was issued leading to the enactment of the Communications Act, the Malawi government and MACRA are regulating the media in complete disregard for both local and international laws.

            Malawi’s constitutional stipulations demand that any media policy reform initiative should not have increasing information services as the only end product but rather, should allow these services to be as accessible and as free as possible. At regional level, treaties and declarations that guarantee people’s basic rights, including freedom of expression and access to information, include the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights also known as the African Charter. The international statue that binds Malawi is contained in the United Nations General Assembly’s resolution 59(I) of 1946.

            The polemics of freedom versus rights and the merits/demerits of media regulation are different issues altogether and is beyond the scope of this article. What is fundamental in both international law and most national constitutions is the recognition that when freedom of expression or access to information is restricted, it must be an exception rather than a norm. What has been typical in most Africa countries, however, is the arbitrary tight control of information and reluctance by governments to be criticized in the media.

            More than a decade after MACRA was instituted in Malawi, it is still under fire from both individuals and institutions for its pro-government bias and its restrictions on private media. One of the earliest examples of MACRA’s interference in freedom of information was when the regulator threatened to revoke broadcasting licenses of community radios for carrying news bulletins on their networks. On June 13^th 2002, MACRA wrote the Malawi Institute of Journalism 90.3 FM that it risked losing its license if it continued airing editorial comments and bulletins on its airwaves. MACRA’s pronouncements were in stark contradiction to the provisions of the laws of the land that sought to guarantee freedom of expression and access to information. MACRA’s conduct only four years after its inception was an absolute antithesis to the ideals for which it was created in the first place.

            In a turn of tables, five years after MACRA’s proclamations, the United Democratic Front (UDF) now in the opposition, was given a dose of its own medicine when in April of 2007, MACRA gave a directive banning all private radio stations from conducting live outside broadcasting without the regulatory authority’s permission. The context to the situation is that Malawi’s former President, Bakili Muluzi, in power during the media policy reform process in 1998 sought to bounce back into politics as a possible presidential candidate of his party. As shareholder in one of the commercial radio stations in the country, he wanted his political rallies covered live on the commercial station much to the chagrin of MACRA.

            By restricting the performance and content of private stations, MACRA is not only failing to uphold the people’s basic right to information but it is also compromising its independent status. About regulatory bodies, the international law states that these bodies should be independent so as to avoid undue influence on their operations and to facilitate the much needed public sphere in a nascent democracy. MACRA’s compromised independence stems from, among other things, government direct control in areas such as the appointment of its members and the chairman. Unlike the situation in some African countries where the President appoints councilors to the regulatory authority upon recommendation by parliament after a public participation in the nomination process and a publication of shortlisted candidates, it is the prerogative of the Malawi President to appoint members of MACRA.

            This article is not an attempt to advocate for a free for all media in African countries. Un-regulated media would surely be like a runaway train, which would end up being more dangerous than useful to society. Justifications for regulating frequency allocation, conduct and quality of media houses and trading practices become obvious in this era of market economy. The questions that should guide this effort, though, should be; how should the media be regulated?; under what authority should the media be regulated?; to what end should the media be regulated? Whatever countries decide to do when it comes to information control, one thing is clear and that is the fact that, with the advent of a plethora of media choices such as the internet, TV-cellular phones, billboards and broadcast yourself possibilities, the age of public broadcast monopoly is but extinct. The sooner African governments realized this, the better for their political survival.

            Realizing the fact that information and communication is no longer the ambit of governments, there is all the more reason for permitting channels that will promote the fundamental democratic right of the citizenry. Justification for media regulation has been reduced to four rationales: 1) for effective communication; 2) to ensure diversity, both political and cultural; 3) for economic reasons and; 4) towards an effective public service (sustenance of a healthy public sphere).

            In short, for Malawi and other African countries to achieve robust media, there is a need for deliberate and genuine promotion of media pluralism, and the upholding of high professional standards for regulating bodies. History has proven that a fettered media ceases to fulfill its fourth estate role as a watchdog and turns into a cheerleader.

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Looking Beyond Nigeria’s President’s Health

Agaptus Anaele is a graduate student at Ohio University and a Nigerian


The cry over the absence of Nigeria’s President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua from office is not waning. The endorsement of his Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan, by the Legislative Assemblies is unable to calm the furor stirred by the failure of Yar’dua to transmit power to Jonathan before his medical trip to Saudi Arabia on November 23, 2009. The frenzy assumed a crescendo with the alleged dichotomy among the Federal Executive Council members loyal to Yar’Adua and supporters of Jonathan. The situation is shrouded in arguments and counter arguments, altercations, intrigues, and permutations as politicians jostle for supremacy. This is not the best of times in Nigeria’s political history, and certainly does not help its global image. The crux of the matter is that Nigeria’s ailing president Umar Musa Yar’Adua failed to transmit power to his vice before his medical trip to Saudi Arabia. By his act, Yar’Ardua has allegedly violated provisions of section 145 of the Nigerian constitution.



Nigerians expected the Federal Executive Council, and the National Assembly to declare President Yar’Adua unfit in accordance with Section 144(1) of the Nigerian constitution, which stipulates that the President or his deputy shall cease to hold office if two-thirds majority of the members of the executive council declared that the President or Vice-President was incapable of discharging his functions . The declaration is followed by a medical examination, which will be made available to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives for the incapacitated officer’s removal. This process is being hampered by the cloak of secrecy around the president’s health status.


The controversy generated by Nigeria’s political situation is understandable given the demands of public office, and Nigeria’s prominence in Africa.The state of health of every individual should be a private affair, but not when it concerns a president of a country like Nigeria with 150 million people. Nigerians deserve to know, more so since his absence is over heating the political system.
The trend in Nigeria is somewhat disturbing given that the imbroglio might distract leadership from tackling the challenges facing the country. While, I share in this genuine concern, I also recognize that this is a trend in the democratic developmental process.


It may seem like the macabre dance, one-step forward and two steps backwards, but I believe it is a learning process. Political and constitutional developments in Nigeria are best understood within a three- dimensional perspective which assumes that every democratic nation passes through three main phases of development, the early years or the classical phase; the later years or neo-classi- cal or human relations phase; and, the years of maturity and full development. It assumes also that political and constitutional experience and developments, though connected in several ways, are distinct and so can be isolated. What is happening in Nigeria is an epoch-making development stage.


In spite of its chequered experience, Nigeria has made considerable progress in political and constitutional development since independence in 1960. Some aspects of these developments are worth highlighting. Nigeria has experimented with five constitutions, the 1960, 1963, 1979, 1989 and 1999 constitutions. The 1999 Constitution gave birth to the present Fourth Republic, though with problems for which it faces that require amendment.


Some of the lessons learned by Nigerians during these exercises are enduring. The lessons have been taught and learned that no constitution is perfect; that ineffective constitutions can be amended or completely altered that constitution making, whether under a military or civilian regime, calls for adequate consultations and experimentation. Any constitution hurriedly drawn up and not tried stands the risk of failure when subjected to the pressure of political, legal, economic and social forces.


Also worth mentioning is that hitherto, the Nigerian media was gagged, but the trend has changed. Numerous media organizations have emerged in Nigeria and the number continues to increase. This indicates that freedom of speech has improved. Recently, Nigerian newspapers were awash with the imprisonment of influential individuals, detention, and prosecution of past governors. Similarly, there are many landmark judgments where opposition camps dethroned incumbent governors who stole electoral mandates. Again, this symbolizes restoration of hope in the judicial system. Nigeria’s anticorruption agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, and the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control, are both household names in Nigeria. We need to stop seeing only the negative sides in African governments and begin to focus on solutions. As Africans, every criticism we receive should propel us to a realization that there is an urgent need to do more.


The decadence and the many years of military rule, which was characterized by infrastructural decay, may not be turned around in ten years. It is important to recognize that there has been some stability in the effort which started in 1999, when Nigeria regained democratic governance. There are still problems, but the intensity and the scope differ. The world over, there are challenges. These challenges, as long as the human race remains, will task the minds, the skills, and the intellect of leaders across the world.


I am optimistic that Nigeria will actualize its huge potentials, a safe home for all those who choose to make it home, a country that will retain its pre-eminent position in the sub-region, in the continent, and globally. Like many democracies that have undergone stages of development, Nigeria is undergoing ‘democratic metamorphosis.’ I am very optimistic that it will overcome these challenges. Long live Nigeria.!!!

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Leave Zuma Alone: South African Media and Jacob Zuma

By: Tiny Nontulo - Nontulo is a graduate of the Cape Peninsula University of Technology and an active member of the African National Congress Youth League in South Africa

The media is a monitoring tool for the public in a democratic state. People rely on it to keep up with the functioning of the government in particular. Therefore it is important that we have an objective, unbiased and fair media that we can trust and hold accountable. However our media in SA is contrary to that.

Any sane person, who has been closely following SA political reports as they unraveled pre-elections, will agree with me that media in SA does not have much influence on ordinary South Africans. If they had, ANC would not have won elections with such a huge margin, because of the role played by the media and opposition parties to discredit Jacob Zuma. People still voted him into office regardless of the negative media portrayal about him .

The survey that was recently conducted right after the Love child scandal (by TNS Research survey) clearly showed that i that many ordinary citizens separate their approval of Mr. Zuma as president from his private life.

The President remains the highest man within the country, therefore the public will have certain expectations in terms of how he conducts his life. The media must not only portray the President in a bad manner , rather it should look at how his action could inspire many men who have not been taking responsibility of their children. It remains our responsibility, as the citizens of the country, to report in a manner that builds our country in order to start changing attitudes of many South Africans in creating a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa.

Central to this is the infringement of rights of the President towards his privacy, which is a constitutional duty of every South African to respect privacy. Our debate with the President should be based on the question of service delivery and how we can better the lives of the poor. I for one find it commendable that he had the courage to apologize for his actions. This could be interpreted as a sign that a politician in RSA finally cares about what the people say and feel regardless of his opinion about the matter.

Before we ride a high horse and become self appointed judges let us pause for a moment. Zuma is a reflection of men in our society. He represents 70% of married men in SA; remember the women with him are older intelligent women who have chosen to be with him.

The media is wasting so much energy on the latter issue. Do people have such pathetic lives to be so moralistic and so involved in what happens in Zuma’s life (or his bedroom to be precise). Everyday Zuma worries about what is best for South Africa, not the petty stuff published by the biased media. We all must concentrate on what he promised the people of South Africa and leave his private life alone.

Leave Zuma alone. The manner in which this issue was handled was totally wrong. We can not deny the fact that this man is our leader, we ought to treat him with respect and dignity. Publicizing his private sex life like this is totally out of order! Service, not sex should be what concerns South Africans.

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Haiti - OUR Responsibility

By Jason Brayda


It is easy to be a critic of development these days. No matter what you write you would be joining a host of other authors who have become so disillusioned with development and relief aid. With so much being said and discussed concerning this, one must start to wonder why things don’t seem to be changing. Perhaps it’s too soon. I doubt it. I’m not prescribing any answers here either, I do hope however, to share a harsh and heart breaking reality that ought to spur us all on to some kind of action.

I used to play a computer game called, “SimCity”, (I think it was one of the first computer games, after Oregon Trail, ever – at least as I remember it…). It was a development game in which you had to build a functioning city. You raised money through taxes and if people were happy, had electricity, had roads, had infrastructure; you would make more money and would be able to develop further until you populated the entire land. The interesting thing with this game though was an option that you had at the beginning to choose whether or not you’d allow disasters to happen. The game was an introduction for me and probably for many others, to our capitalist development system. We were able to be in control. But it was a game, if something went wrong and we didn’t like it we could restart or go back to a saved game. It may seem like this is as far from reality as one could possibly get but the more I think about it the fewer differences I am able to see.

Disasters happen and we cannot rewind time to change that, sadly. However, like in the game, if something goes wrong the best thing to usually do is start again: clean slate, new page, new game. Or so it seems. How terribly misguided we are!

Look at history and see what has followed nearly every disaster, natural or man made. We can go back really far! But lets take a few examples beginning in the 90’s. Rwanda. Genocide. The international community did nothing as nearly 1 million people were systematically killed. A “clean slate”. In moved the big businesses to create a new capitalism. Last year the World Bank hailed Rwanda as the #1 business reformer. English, the language of business, is beginning to replace French. Even Bill Clinton (admittedly feeling guilty about his inaction) and his foundation used Rwanda as a guinea pig for health care reform, (again big business). Sri Lanka. 2004, Tsunami. “In a cruel twist of fate, nature has presented Sri Lanka with a unique opportunity, and out of this great tragedy will come a world class tourism destination.”- Sri Lankan government. Hundreds of thousands of fisherman lost their land and their chance to rebuild their lives as large resorts pushed them out of the way. Big business once again, and quickly, capitalized on disaster. New Orleans. 2005, Hurricane Katrina. Following the devastation of the hurricane as people waited on lines for relief food, guarded by the National Guard, local politicians, business people, and the US government moved on what they saw as a clean slate, a new opportunity. A New Orleans developer said, “We finally cleaned up public housing. We couldn’t do it, but God did.” Even the school system was revamped. Public schools were abandoned almost entirely for privately run charter schools; it became, like Rwanda, a guinea pig for a new capitalist based school system.

Following severe drought in the late eighties and early nineties, Somalia was a hot spot for international aid. Relief food poured into the country, yet people still starved. An Ethiopian businesswoman has said, “famine happens not because of lack of food but because of lack of access.” In Somalia relief food was controlled by the government and clan leaders. Starving people had no access when they most needed it. Those that controlled the relief food (aid) controlled how development happened. Like the days of colonialism, as European powers invaded Africa one of the first things they did was control food production by putting it under lock and key and making people now work for them in order to get the food they needed to survive.

In George Orwell’s incredible book, 1984, as Winston is under going electro-shock therapy he is told, “We shall crush you down to the point from which there is no coming back… We shall squeeze you empty and then we shall fill you with ourselves.” Compare this to disasters. Compare this to aid. As people now turn our eyes toward the devastation that followed the earthquake in Haiti let us consider these things and what is happening. Most of us are aware of the mass amounts of aid being raised to help Haitians. We must ask ourselves who is getting this aid and who is controlling it? And most importantly what are we doing about it?

A very close friend of mine is a reporter and is currently in Haiti doing all he can and trying to tell a story of a silenced nation. He recently wrote about the absolute devastation of Port-au-Prince. Commenting on the presence of the US military “safe guarding” relief food. He also commented on one English phrase he heard every where he went, “I am hungry.” (if you’re interested in some of these articles they can be found at www.worldnextdoor.org).

All of this seems entirely overwhelming and incredibly heart-breaking, there is no easy direction to go. The harsh history of humanitarian relief and development is a sad one, but one which hopefully we can be learning from. Rather than remaining immobile, ignorant and uncaring, we must do something. We are all responsible for what we know. And though we all have different passions, gifts, and talents we must reserve a place for Haiti. For too long Haiti has been suppressed and discriminated against. This disaster appears to have broken a nation. Let us mourn and remember. Let us never forget what is going on. And as Haiti is bound to fade from the media let it never fade from our conscience. We must remember, we must pray, we must do all we can and the best we can to encourage our brothers and sisters in Haiti. There may be overwhelming problems, even unsolvable ones, but we must not lose hope. Haiti must not become another wholesale international privatization enterprise or laboratory for some western project. Haiti will rise as grassroots organizations, its public sector and the people are empowered. Let this be our wake up call. Let this also be our wake up call that the way our capitalist system has approached aid must begin to change. And that it must begin with us.

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AVATAR: Noble Savages meet the White Messiah in Colonial Struggle

By Catherine Cutcher and Siphokazi Magadla


The science-fiction epic Avatar is the highest-grossing film of all time. Since its release in December, box office sales have reached $2 billion. Avatar has been awarded two Golden Globes for best dramatic motion picture and best director. At the upcoming Academy Awards, the movie is expected to receive more Oscars than Director James Cameron’s other film, Titanic.

The film’s success raises several questions. If Cameron is indeed the self-proclaimed “King of the World,” why should we even bother critiquing Avatar since the rest of the world seems to be bowing at his royal feet? As one commentator sarcastically commented, “Recession? What recession?” – how can a film gross such huge profits in our so-called difficult times?

In this article, we argue that Cameron may be a genius for making a film with a message for everybody - from technological geeks, environmentalists, multinational corporations, to pan-theists – but the movie relies upon an extremely problematic plot. Avatar is based on a narrative framing the protagonist, Jake Sully, as the “White Messiah” savior of the exotic “Noble Savages” who are the Na’vi. This plot is not only inaccurate, but it reveals the age-old debate of whether colonialism was positive or negative for formerly colonized societies. As Avatar suggests, the exploitation of indigenous communities was not so bad, especially because some of the colonizers - after contributing to the destruction of their subjects - actually fell in love with their subjects and presumably, love conquered all!

Nevertheless, critics are raving over this film. The filmmakers spent over $300 million on special effects and to develop the language of the Na’vi alien culture. Science fiction fans are shocked and awed by the computer-generated imagery (CGI) and 3-D effects. Environmentalists celebrate the preservation message of the film. Critics of the U.S. military-industrial complex view the film as a statement against corporate greed and violence. Pan-theists enjoy the natural beauty of Pandora and the spirituality of its indigenous Na’vi culture.

Despite its resounding success, the film has also raised the ire of a diversity of special interest groups, including human rights activists, feminists, social and political conservatives, the Chinese government, and the Vatican. For postcolonial scholars and indigenous peoples, Avatar’s plot is highly racist, disturbing, and offensive.

As postcolonial scholars, we must deconstruct these condescending myths of the “Noble Savage” and the “White Messiah.” Avatar’s colonialist fantasy replays common themes found throughout U.S. media, including films like Dances with Wolves, The Last of the Mohicans, The Last Samurai, Pocahontas, and Fern Gully. The story goes: a White man travels to a different culture, learns their customs, falls in love with a local woman, becomes disgruntled with his own culture, and goes AWOL. He then becomes the most awesome warrior in his new culture, and saves them from the greed and violence of his own people. Despite his betrayal, he is forgiven and accepted to join the clan as an honorary member or a new chief.

A major problem with this plot is that it is only the Jake Sullys and Tom Cruises who have this option of moving in and out of cultures as they please – their own and that which they choose to master. We have yet to see films of Black people or other non-Whites having the option of surrendering their cultures for those of whom they have come to love. It is only White actors who are able to do this. Certainly, few imagine that the Na’vi, or at least Jake Sully’s girlfriend, would be able to cleanse herself of her Na’viness and join Jake’s culture. However, he not only has the privilege of becoming Na’vi, he also stands a chance of being her chief after contributing to the murder of her father.

Furthermore, indigenous groups - despite their better use of the environment as compared to Western industrial economies - should not be romanticized as worshipers of nature as we see in Avatar. This is certainly not true; it does not represent the complexity of these communities. The images of the Na’vi praying and dancing away their pain does not help in the smallest way. Surely, if colonized people could dance their way to revamping their destroyed and poor communities, they could have done that already. This exoticism of cultures is not only condescending but also underestimates the brutality of war and colonialism.

The myth of the White Messiah liberating Noble Savages is dangerous. These stories reveal some of the basest anxieties of White people living in contemporary society. The guilt of racism, slavery, and colonialism weigh heavily on the shoulders and minds of Europeans. Fears are building about survival and sustainability on a dying planet. Indigenous peoples must beware of looking to the colonizers for help with liberation. Betrayal is written in the blood, sweat, and tears of history’s victims.

In Africa and the rest of the “two-thirds world,” this story should bother us. Colonialism and slavery worked to dehumanize, divide, and conquer African peoples from each other and our land. Noble Savage myths were created to justify imperialism by explorers, missionaries, and anthropologists. These racist narratives depict non-Western cultures as less than human – as aliens or animals to be admired, tamed, and controlled. These stories are not just for entertainment. Social and political policies are profoundly shaped by stories that continue to be told about Africa in the West.

This is precisely the reason why the world should not be amused or tolerate plots found in films like Avatar. The legacy of colonialism should not be the stuff of romance because very little of it is romantic! There are plenty of stories that need to be told about the plight of hegemony that need not subject some to a position of inferiority whilst easing the anxieties of others.

Avatar raises a number of important questions: Can indigenous people – or aliens – ever speak for themselves on the silver screen? Why must a benevolent White person always serve as a bridge for American audiences to understand other cultures? Why can’t we see a story about the Na’vi defending themselves from the invasion of the humans? Or better yet, through nonviolent resistance?

When will Hollywood stop making alien fantasy films like Avatar, and instead invest their resources, energy, and attention to end suffering right here on Planet Earth? If they are serious about their message Avatar’s creators should donate a portion of their $2 billion profit to organizations working for change. They do not have to look to alien moons for inspiration. They could invest in the sovereignty of indigenous peoples through organizations like Cultural Survival, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the American Indian Movement, or the Assembly of First Nations. They could donate to environmental groups working to end mountaintop removal in West Virginia, or toxic waste dumping on U.S. Indian reservations, or logging in our national forests, or oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Some of their massive proceeds could be given to the Red Cross, Oxfam, or Doctors Without Borders to assist earthquake survivors in Haiti, or refugees in Iraq and Afghanistan, or besieged Palestinians in Gaza, or genocide survivors in Darfur, or rape victims in the Congo.

Forget about Pandora. S.O.S. from Planet Earth!

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Port-au-Prince calling: Fulbright scholar gives first-hand perspective on homeland’s tragedy

By Erica Butcher

More than a week after the earthquake, “people are still alive under the rubble, especially in the poorest areas,” Ohio University alumnus Frednel Isma said in a phone conversation from Port-au-Prince, Haiti on Thursday.

“It is so frustrating! We cannot do anything! When the rubble is as tall as I am standing and you hear people still calling out. They’re alive and we cannot do anything. We don’t have the equipment to lift the stones off of them,” Isma said in a sober tone.

He explained Haitians’ frustrations escalated as they noticed search and rescue teams in wealthy areas, “where they may be one or two people in need of rescue” rather than in areas “where hundreds of poor people are alive calling out for help.”

Talking about the rescue operation, Isma said, “Maybe they don’t have maps or information about where to search, but something has to be done.”

He is pressuring relief and aid agencies to go to places outside of Port-au-Prince also badly affected by the quake. “There are places where it is really bad. People are still alive and there’s nobody there to help them,” Isma said.

Isma returned to Haiti last August after earning a master’s degree at Ohio University in International Development Studies, as a Fulbright scholar, but his studies and previous work experiences with aid agencies never prepared him for what he is witnessing now.

“It is so scary! Last night I slept outside. The home where I was living was destroyed. There are not even any latrines. It’s unbelievable! So many people are fleeing and looking for anywhere they can find shelter. The earth was shaking again this morning. People are scared. They are panicked!”

Isma was not in Port-au-Prince at the time of the initial earthquake on Tuesday, Jan. 12. He was traveling in Southern Haiti, in an area not as greatly impacted by the quake. Instead of staying in a safer region, he returned to the city to search for relatives and friends.

Isma reported that the president of Haiti, Rene Preval, waited until Wednesday, Jan. 20 to make his first address to the nation, more than a week after the earthquake. According to Isma, until Wednesday, the president had only addressed the foreign press and not the Haitian people directly.

With tension in his voice, he said, “The government is totally absent. I am so pissed to see that no one is in charge from Tuesday! Nobody was helping from the government. The president admitted yesterday that the government is down. Instead of responding with their means, even though limited, they (government officials) fled. And they have not done anything. Even the mayors of cities are no where to be seen.”

He urged the president of Haiti to “Say Something! Talk to the people!”

Isma, who is voluntarily leading the efforts of a Haitian nonprofit organization, spends his days in meetings trying to organize aid distribution, and distributing water, energy bars and face masks. He said that there is a desperate need for face masks because of the suffocating smells of decomposing bodies everywhere.

“I have seen things you can’t imagine. . . I just don’t know.”

Haitians struggling to survive themselves are grappling with feelings of helplessness because they lack rescue equipment and cannot provide adequate medical care to the injured or suitable burials for those who lost their lives in this catastrophic event. For Haiti, Isma is urgently calling up on the world to continue to respond as thousands fight to survive.

For more information on this article contact Ebutcher10@gmail.com

Author’s Note: During the “Rally for Haiti” event that took place on Sunday, Jan. 24, in Athens, OH, U.S.A., Isma via phone explained that his organization, COSPED, Collectif de Specialistes en Population et Developpement, is trying to get aid to areas that have yet to receive assistance. Isma was one of the founding members of COSPED when the organization was established in 2006, before he began his studies at Ohio University. In Dec. 2009, he was elected Deputy Coordinator. Isma is working voluntarily and not receiving a salary for this position. The organization was originally established to address population issues, such as HIV/AIDS and reproductive health. After the earthquake, COSPED shifted its focus to relief because of the gravity of the event. The organization does not currently have a website, but is working to develop one with the assistance of volunteers in the U.S. The organization has minimal overhead expenses, only those related to communication, transportation and the basics needs of its Haitian staff, food, etc. If you would like to make a donation to Isma’s organization please contact the author.

Frednel Isma: Isma earned his undergraduate degree in Business Administration from Université Adventiste d.Haïti. He also earned a post-graduate degree in Population and Development from Université d.Etat d.Haiti via Faculté des Sciences Humaines (Human Sciences Faculty). He has 11 years of experience working in different institutions and fields. He spent 5 years working as an accountant and from 2005 to 2007 worked as a project manager and logistics assistant in United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in Haiti. He also taught accounting and accounting software in Université Adventisted in Haiti as well as courses in demography in INHSAC before his arrival at Ohio University as a Fulbright Scholar in 2007. His thesis, titled, “Trends, Composition, and Demographic Structure of Haitian Employment: Census and Policy Analysis from 1971 to 2003,” analyzes Haiti’s development policies and economic constraints and their impact on employment and is available online through Google Scholar.

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