A conversation with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah: Africans as producers of knowledge

Thembani Mbadlanyana, is a Masters in Public Administration candidate at the Paris Institute of Political Studies, Paris-France

I know that Dr. Nkrumah would be happy to hear me saying that, indeed, Africa has a noble and rich history. As we are deep into our conversation and trying to reconstruct the history and map out and elaborate new visions for the future of the continent, Nkrumah whispers to me, “there is a need for Africans to explain their own culture, and interpret their own thought and soul life, if the complete truth is to be given to the other races of the earth”. He insists, “the next edition of Encyclopaedia Africana should be produced in Africa, under the direction and editorship of Africans, and with the maximum participation of African scholars in all countries”. He further tells me that “if the intellectual project is to be relevant to Africans, there is a need for an Afro-centric point of view for the Encyclopaedia Africana” and he fiercely maintains that the Encyclopaedia Africana must reject non-African value judgments of things African.

I easily agree with him. I tell him that my agreement is based on my historical deduction and my imagineering of plausible and probably African futures. I remind him that, having observed Africa’s glorious past, Old Romans concluded that "Semper aliquid novi ex Africa" (From Africa always something new). I add, one wonders whether when it comes to present day Africa with regard to knowledge generation, does the old Roman saying still hold and can we confidently say today that from Africa new ideas always emerge? I ask him whether with the introduction of Encyclopaedia Africana, is there a promise that that the rest of the world will get to say in agreement once again that from Africa always something new? I tell him that, my answer to the two questions is a resolute no! Africa lost its former glory and nothing, at least for now, that has international relevance will come from our continent.
To me, the continent lost its former glory and our political history is the culprit. African intellectual traditions and discursive communities were suppressed. The new army of missionaries, social anthropologists, sociologists and political scientists trooping into Africa in the periods immediately before and after ‘independence’ would go on to deploy their ‘extroverted’ mode of writing and thinking about Africa and Africans (see writings by the late Archibald Mafeje). They made their job to narrativize about Africans and Africa from their own ill-informed perspectives.

To his surprise, I then tell Dr. Nkrumah that, the new postcolonial thinking class and the following generation of African public intellectuals also contributed to misrepresentation of Africa. They heralded a break with earlier African intellectual traditions epitomized by such thinkers as Ahmed Baba. Their central thematics were not grounded in and driven by the affirmation of African experiences and ontological accounting for the self. They didn’t show an uncompromising refutation of the epistemology of alterity that shaped colonial modes of gazing and writing about Africa and Africans. They didn’t embrace a method of scholarship rooted in the collective Self.

However, there have been some changes over the years. As an appeasement to Nkrumah, around early 70s until early 90s a new breed of African intellectuals as shown by Achilles Mbebe, started to explain their own culture, and interpret their own African philosophical thought. This new breed of intellectuals explained new experiences and ideas in the most accessible and understandable ways to the rest of society. They didn’t rely on ‘importation of ideas’ and they didn’t address African issues in borrowed languages and paradigms.

Nonetheless, this didn’t last. To his surprise, I tell Nkrumah that today’s African thinking class is preoccupied with ‘status anxiety’, how it is seen by the other in the Global North. Despite all the progress made in trying to bring back the former glory of the continent, they fail to infuse an afrocentric view in their analysis, research and writing. Afraid to disappoint him, I reluctantly tell Nkrumah that, despite all the progress made by our Radical Scholars from the Dakar and Dar Es Salaam Schools of Thought, there is still a long way to go.

We desperately need redeemers to reconnect us to the profound scholarship of the real intellectuals of the bygone era. He smiles when I tell him that, Africa needs intellectuals who are grounded on something, that is their ontological experiences; intellectuals with continentally relevant paradigms and languages; intellectuals who are preoccupied with the labour of the mind and soul not status anxiety; intellectuals that are committed to the intellectual, social, economic and political transformation of the continent and more importantly; intellectuals who are committed in assisting the continent as it is busy reconstructing its past, interpreting the present and navigating or mapping out new visions for the future.

I then tell Dr. Nkrumah that, the time for public intellectuals who excel in decontetxualized abstraction and catalogues and in methodological inexactitude is gone. As the late Archie Mafeje would say, wayward intellectuals who confuse feigned erudition with committed scholarship have no place in our society. The time for derivative scholarship is passé; it has reached its sell-by date. Nkrumah becomes so relieved when I tell him that, there is an increasing acknowledgement amongst the emerging and young cream of African intelligentsia that, there is a need to show an uncompromising aversion to the ‘epistemology of alterity’ – the ‘othering’ of Africa and Africans. I see a smile on his face when I tell him that; there is a need for the advancement of scholarship grounded in the centering of African ontological experiences.

As we conclude our conversation, we reach an agreement that, if we are going to have the rest of the world to say "Semper aliquid novi ex Africa" (From Africa always something new), we need African intellectuals who will continue infusing afrocentric views in their analysis, research and writing. We need intellectuals who will focus on churning out new endogenous ideas so that we can continue to de-whiten human civilization and paint human imperfections with a black and white colour.

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Aluta Continua: what can Sub-Saharan Africa learn from the Maghreb revolutions?

By Nadia Ahmadou, MA African Studies at University of Basel

Tunisia surprised the continent and the world, by shaking up its current political spectrum through a wave of civilian disobedience and unrest. This movement is born from a host of socio-political and economic factors that plague the majority of the African nations, ranging from poor health, education, unemployment to limited access to political and economic prosperous ventures. This movement shortly thereafter produced significant results as it led to the departure of the president and a new government being set up. In addition, the mandate of this new government has been widened to include the development of hitherto poor regions of the country that suffered most from the lack of dedication of their political leaders. The movement didn’t stop there, but also influenced the birth of a similar movement in neighboring Egypt, suffering a similar predicament and clamoring high for positive change. The political movements in Egypt have been able to put to use the activities of the ordinary citizen, to what we hope will benefit them all.

As we recognize and applaud the courage of Tunisian citizens in addressing their problems directly and also for the positive influence they have had in nearby Egypt, it is important to recognize that sub-Saharan Africa suffers from the same malaises of poverty and insecurity. Are there any lessons that sub-Saharan Africa can garner from the actions of our brothers and sisters of the Maghreb to assist us equally? Of course one must always acknowledge context and I am in no way calling for revolutions to spring up across the continent. God knows, we have enough conflicts to deal with as is; one only has to look at recent happenings in Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and Sudan as testament. However, the hope and passion witnessed in Tunisia and Egypt must not go to waste as time goes by and other current events replace them in the headlines. It is important to examine this question so that it does not take 30 years or 21 years as in the case of Egypt and Tunisia respectively for the people of sub-Saharan African to air out their grievances. Indeed, as Africa looks to 18 presidential elections this year, Egypt included what should African people maximize their roles in the democratic exercise?

This should be a reminder to us all that real power lies within the ordinary citizen. It is the ordinary person who votes, the ordinary person who has rights, the ordinary person who has duties. Independence and the advent of democracy has clouded this and most people have forgotten that it is not the elite who own and control the rest, but rather the elite who should support and assist the rest. If those at the top who we trust to make our lives better are not doing so, then they should be replaced by people who will deliver. This replacement should not be dependent on the whims of the profiteering elite, but simply on the ordinary person who deserves adequate access to food, healthcare, education and economic opportunities. This is a key lesson for what sets to be the new nation of Southern Sudan. The citizens of this nation who decisively declared this historic division of Africa’s biggest nation need to hold these principles about leadership and democratic participation as the holy ground to which their new state shall exist. Citizens of Southern Sudan now have the opportunity to be part and parcel of the establishment and entrenchment of democratic institutions within their countries. Following the Tunisian example, they should actively participate in all levels of the process to ensure that their needs and rights are met every single step of the way. This would go a long way to prevent a descent into the civil conflicts we are currently witnessing. It would also allow for the development of a new leadership in Africa, leadership that is accountable from the onset and stays so based on guidance from those it is at the service of. On the other hand, Nigeria one of Africa’s powerhouses needs to look closer at how fast a powerhouse can fall as few of us believed that Egypt, the second biggest economy in Africa, could be today at its knees because the people are tired of a power that only serves the elites as the patronage of Mubarak exhibits. If anything, the downfall of neighboring Ivory Coast, once economic powerhouse for the continent is an additional example of how disenchantment can plunge a country into civil war. As always, the example is clear, one must prevent the worst case scenario by putting into place the right mechanisms to ensure a protection of basic citizen rights. Prevention is always better than cure.

Thomas Sankara taught us “…we could dare to have confidence in ourselves, confidence in our abilities. He instilled in us the conviction that struggle is our only recourse. He was a citizen of the free world that together we are in the process of building.” (Thomas Sankara, October 1984) As we cheer on our brothers and sisters of the Maghreb, and watch the mess being made by our very own political elite with the unfolding of recent events , it would do us good to remember this and attempt to harness this power for the better. The era of the revolutionary has not come to an end just yet.

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Celebrating our own: The power of local knowledge

January has come and gone, and most of us have wished our compliments for the happy new year to those we know, made resolutions, some of which we stuck to, at least in the beginning, and have now had the time to know which one of those have already gone down the drain-or will soon be heading that way. But, we also know which commitments we are going to keep, and as the month ends, we grown even more positive as things become clearer that we have made the right decisions. What is left now is for us to work towards our set goals. This is true for us at Bokamoso Leadership Forum.

Therefore it is only right that on this first day of February, we launch our theme for the year - 'Celebrating our own: The power of local knowledge'. This is a commitment from us that during the year, we will do our best to bring to the light the best of our local knowledge, our ‘traditional’ or cultural institutions and strategies, and show how useful these can be in the 21st century. This is not to say that all of them are or were good, or that we would like to go back, but it is rather an attempt for us, all of us, to reflect on what our rich cultures have to offer, without shame or favor, and highlight it so that in the end, before we throw everything away, we are sure that it is only the unnecessary that we leave behind.

Last year our theme of the year was “Gearing up towards the FIFA World Cup in South Africa 2010.” We examined the World Cup as an example of looking at sports as part of governance, diplomacy, infrastructure development as we looked at the impact of the world cup on telecommunications, and African ‘aesthetics’ such as the controversy of the vuvuzela. This new theme of local knowledge we intend to look at the success of the ‘African’ world cup as contributing to, and a product of, African knowledge production.

As in 2010 many African nations celebrated 50 years of independence, the limited inclination to blow our horns in boistorerous celebrations, is revealing of the necessity to go back to the basics as we look forward to another 50 years of African politics, economics, culture and community which is the home of the ‘local’. As over 18 African countries will be hosting elections this year, it is worth revisiting and redefining if need be our ‘local’ understanding of leadership, participation, democracy, governance and indeed the local as it relates to the nation and the nation relating to the continental. What is the ‘local’ in Africa in 2011? What is knowledge? And indeed what is power? Thus, we invite you to share your thoughts with us as you have done so spectacularly in the past year, to send us articles related to the theme 'Celebrating our own: The power of local knowledge'. Share with us the brilliance of your culture and your local knowledge system, after all, its 20elevation aka 2011, let us celebrate our own!

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Deconstructing the role of the African First Lady in post-conflict reconstruction: the peculiar case of South African First Ladyship

by Siphokazi Magadla, Dimpho Motsamai and Melanie Roberts

The term First Lady and the institution of First ladyship is a precarious role due to its “extra-constitutional” nature. Given that the role of the spouse of the president is not mentioned in the Constitution; and the position is neither elected nor appointed, it is technically not an office. However, many of the first ladies in the modern era have enjoyed office space, a budget, and staff of considerable size. Robert Watson in “Toward the Study of the First Lady: The State of Scholarship” argues that the office of the first lady can therefore be regarded as an office without portfolio, statutory legitimacy, electoral mandate, or clearly defined roles and responsibilities, making it unaccountable to the public and difficult to study. Traditional first ladies have functioned as their husband’s trusted confidante, key supporter, and couselor in time of national crisis as well the nation’s primary hostess. Others have transgressed this traditional role by actively taking part in the election campaign of their husbands, editing their speeches, lobbying for their legislation, championing particular causes and travelling internationally as part of the presidential envoys.

Feminists argue that Eleanor Roosevelt’s departure from the traditional role of first ladies in post-depression America illustrates the transformation of women’s role in conditions of national instability. While the role of African women in peace, security and development are rooted in post-colonial struggles, their dominance in peace and security has been exacerbated by the post-colonial intra-state conflicts. It is the excessive nature of violence against women that has led to calls for a greater role of women in peace making, peacekeeping and peace building; also putting to the spotlight debate about the contribution of First Ladies in Africa. However the role of the First Lady as an unelected actor thrust into public life by virtue of her relationship with the elected president, has contributed to the ambiguous role of the First Lady as a political player in domestic, regional and international spheres. Is it possible for the first lady to play different roles in African politics as well as being able to positively influence societal social cohesion and moral rejuvenation in her country and beyond? Therefore, a key question is how can these women utilise their strategic proximity to the highest office in African states, to contribute meaningfully to advancing peace and security?

Since South Africa’s democratic transition in 1994, there have been several first ladies who have played various roles in the country’s politics. The list of these women include: Marike De Klerk, Graca Machel, Zanele Mbeki and more recently, President Zuma’s 3 wives (Sizakele Khumalo, Nompumelelo Ntuli and Tobeka Madiba). South African first ladies have traditionally played an important role in the transitional period and in the processes leading up to the consolidation of the country’s democracy. Marike de Klerk was the leader of the National Party’s women’s league during president de Klerk’s presidency. In 1993 she was awarded the ‘Women for Peace award’ in Geneva for her role in promoting the well being and development of rural women. During this period, de Klerk had expressed pride in her husband’s role in bringing an end to Apartheid. Graca Machel, the widow of Mozambican president Samora Machel, and currently the wife of South African liberation icon, Nelson Mandela, is a renowned humanitarian who notably produced the landmark UN Report on Impact of Armed Conflict on Children. Machel is best known for her work and contributions in Mozambique during the 70s, when she was the Minister of Education and Culture. She continues to lead various humanitarian focused projects- particularly those relating to refugees and children. Zanele Mbeki established an independent reputation beyond her role as the wife of former president Thabo Mbeki. She is the founder of South African Women in Dialogue (SAWID) that was formed at the backdrop of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue in Sun City, Johannesburg, in 2003 paving way for peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This brought together Congolese women from different party lines, exclusively to encourage the inclusion of women in Congolese negotiation party teams; to ensure that gender is identified as a principle, goal and outcome of the peace settlement; and that peace agreements promote and are aligned with, international policy instruments and legal conventions. Mbeki also established the ‘Women’s Development Bank’ which advocates for social and economic development in poor communities.

South Africa finds itself in a peculiar situation as for the first time the country has three First Ladies. This is occurring at a critical period for South Africa when the country serves on the UN Security Council for the second time, from January 2011. The advocacy of woman, peace and security issues during this period is and should be an obvious priority for the First Ladies. The current First Ladies have largely remained out of the public space, with the exception of the recent formation of the Nompumelelo MaNtuli-Zuma Foundation and the Tobeka Madiba-Zuma Foundation. The MaNtuli-Zuma Foundation has more recently provided assistance to women whose houses were destroyed by fire, in Weza Village, Willowvale, Eastern Cape. The Madiba-Zuma Foundation focuses on health with First Lady Madiba-Zuma currently charring the Forum of African First Ladies Against Breast and Cervical Cancer. The First Ladies growing public role raises the question of how the three women coordinate their projects. Should South Africans expect the founding of the Makhumalo-Zuma Foundation? What does this mean for the budget of the Office of the First Lady? Moreover, how can the First Ladies compliment the work already done by their predecessors, in the realm of post-conflict reconstruction? Certainly, the slow yet decisive emergence of the MaNtuli-Zuma and Madiba-Zuma foundations is indicative of the power held by the First Ladyship even in the context of a polygamous presidency.

Evidence from the rest of the continent demonstrates the growing importance of the First Lady as a political player. The pragmatic founding of such institutions as the Organization of African First ladies against HIV/AIDS established in 2002, (in close collaboration with UNAIDS and the International AIDS Trust) work in reinforcing policies and programs against HIV/AIDS, advocacy, resource mobilization and development of partnerships at national, regional and international levels. This resulted in the declaration of the African First ladies Against HIV/AIDS on the occasion of the AU Summit, Kampala, Uganda, 25-27 July 2010. The alliance of 22 first ladies, known as ‘African Synergy Against AIDS and Suffering,’ was formed in 2002. Collaborations to date include the opening of maternal health clinics, HIV treatment centres, orphan care programs and vocational training schools in Guinea, Niger, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Mali and Cameroon; as well as numerous other initiatives and advocacy efforts throughout all 22 member countries. Indeed, the launch of the African Women’s Decade 2010-2020 by the African Union underscores the extent to which a gender conception of security and development is being adopted internationally and on the continent. The precedent already set by former South African first ladies in the realm of peace and security highlights the instrumental role the South African First Lady can play in engendering peace and security in the continent.

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The Housing ‘problem’: Words and Misconceptions

By Sarita Pillay,

In early December, while watching the evening news, I became suddenly acutely aware of a problem with the South African government's approach to housing. I watched with a sense of disbelief and outrage as the infamous 'Red Ants' tore down hundreds of homes in Ramaphosa, Ekurhuleni. The local government justified the destruction of the homes and displacement of families by highlighting the 'problem' of the makeshift homes being built on the land illegally. However, there were two worrying things that stood out from the local government's approach which could be applied to the national government's sentiment.

Firstly, the language used by the local government raises some concerns. As homes were being torn down and possessions damaged, no reference was made to people and their livelihoods but instead all we heard was ‘shacks’, ‘illegal settlements’, 'structures' and 'squatters'. The power of words can never be underestimated. Language plays a role in avoiding the true nature of the ‘housing problem’ and poverty in South Africa. By using words which desensitize and remove the human element of the situation, government officials succeed in downplaying reality.

Removing people from places where they have shaped their livelihoods and established their homes therefore becomes a process, a formality. The reasons why individuals have chosen to live in these areas, the conditions which force them to create makeshift homes in places near the city, the challenges they face daily through lack of sanitation and electricity, all of these factors become masked behind the usage of certain words and justification of tackling illegal land occupation. Unfortunately, the media often serves to perpetuate these terms.

Secondly, the removal of people from settlements which have been established illegally was brandished as a solution in solving the ‘housing question’. Now, even Friedrich Engels in the late 19th Century could have told you that the simple destruction and removal of informal housing settlements provides nothing but momentary ‘success’. The housing problem, namely the reality of informal houses, lacking durability, sanitation and/or electricity, is a feature of all of South Africa’s cities. In 2008, 1 in 10 South Africans were estimated to live in informal homes. Although the removal of the families living in that particular informal settlement in Ramaphosa may have provided momentary clear land and less of an ‘eyesore’ for passing vehicles - that is about the only ‘success’ established.

This approach is particularly worrying as it creates a sense of complacency in dealing with the establishment of informal housing settlements. The removal of those families living in Ramaphosa settlement will only spur the establishment of an informal housing settlement elsewhere (and, likely, nearby). Even where alternative housing is provided, in many cases these houses are located on the outskirts of urban areas where residents are made to live far from work and the convenience of urban life. In this case, the informal settlements continue to spring up in urban areas. So although the local government official who featured on the news that evening in December may have been proud of the fact that the ‘illegal settlement’ had been removed, it did little to remove the probability of a similar settlement being established nearby.

The housing problem is bigger than a few sheets of corrugated iron, a few cardboard boxes and makeshift toilets. The housing problem cannot be reduced to ‘illegal settlements’, ‘shacks’ and ‘squatters’. Arguably, the housing problem can only be truly solved by reshaping the way in which our economy and society functions - a world in which the few have a lot and the many have a little, where these conditions are perpetuated and it is almost impossible for the cycle to be broken.

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How about we quit holding elections?

By Oumar Ba, Bokamoso Leadership Forum

Elections are expensive. Really expensive. I propose that the African Union convene a group of experts to do a cost/benefit analysis of elections in Africa. In the meantime, let me explore the ways in which elections are costing many African countries so much money and time that they are hindering their “development”.

First cost: money. One has to print the ballots, transport them, pay the electoral personnel, pay to transport people to the meetings during the electoral campaign, buy them sandwiches and a bottle of Coca Cola after they have spent a whole day clapping and screaming their candidate’s name. Moreover, the new trend in African politics is to hire Western polling companies, and communications firms, etc...

More often than not, during the electoral campaign, which lasts many years in some cases, the ruling party hijacks the governments’ vehicles, gasoline, chauffeurs, TV stations, newspapers, radio stations, journalists, and its security forces to protect their candidate(s).

The cost of elections in Africa can be also tallied in the terms of human lives lost, stores looted, crops ravaged, careers ended, schooling time shortened, and dreams shattered.

As I’m writing this article, Cote D’Ivoire has two presidents, and two governments. Laurent Gbagbo was “elected” in 2000, and after a failed coup two years later, the country was divided de facto with the loyal army controlling the South, and the rebels re-baptized Forces Nouvelles occupying the North. Gbagbo’s presidential term ended in 2005, but he managed to stretch his rule by another 5 years, postponing the elections multiple times. Finally, according to many reports, when French pollsters assured him that he will win the elections without any problem, he decided to hold them. The rest of the story is still breaking news...

Back to the elections cost, why in the world should people decide to go to elections without a prior firm decision to respect the vote of their constituency?

Elections cost us valuable time. Many African countries are in a permanent state of electoral crisis. President Wade of Senegal announced that he will seek a third term two years before the end of his current term, despite the fact that the Constitution, which he drafted himself, clearly limits the number of possible terms to only two. That, coupled with the fact that he named his current Prime Minister as the head of his electoral campaign committee, one will wonder who the hell is running the state. I mean, do we elect our leaders so they can keep trying to get reelected, or so they can take care of our business? Former President Tandja of Niger is still under house arrest for having tried to do the same...

Another example of this silliness is Burkina Faso. Blaise Compaore came to power in 1987, after the coup that killed Thomas Sankara. He won the elections in 1991, and 1998. Lifting the constitutional ban that limited the number of terms to two, he was re-elected in 2005 by 80% of the votes. In November 2010, he won again 80% of the votes, which really didn’t surprise anyone. Since we all knew what the outcome of this election would be, why not save the money and not waste our time re-electing the man? How about a vote by acclamation? Are you listening, Hosni Mubarak? You too, Paul Biya.

At least, Laurent Gbagbo has put his PhD in history to good use. He knows that when the contender wins the election and the incumbent decides that he isn’t going anywhere, we can have a power sharing agreement. I think that if the winner of the election settles for the post of VP, he is not worthy of the trust of the people, and it shows that he just wants his piece of the pie. Yes, Mr Odinga and Mr Tsvangirai, I’m talking about you.

I can only imagine the dreadful atmosphere in the conference room in which the presidents of the 16 countries that comprise ECOWAS decided to send Presidents Pires of Cape Verde, Koroma of Sierra Leone, and Boni of Benin to go ask Gbagbo to leave office. I mean, the possible choices for such a delegation are extremely limited. The presidents need only to look at each other to realize that very few of them are well suited to ask Gbagbo to accept the wish of the Ivoirian voters.

Finally, I was discussing with a friend a few weeks ago about the fact that plastic bags are banned in Rwanda. Although Paul Kagame has an outrageous human rights violations record, one must recognize that as a president, he is getting things done. And yes, he got elected with a landslide too, and I told my friend that if he leaves power after his current and last term, he will be a respectable man. My friend said that he probably still be around and said just two words: “Vladimir Putin.” I hope he is wrong.

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SECURING AFRICA’S WATER SUPPLY THROUGH NUCLEAR DESALINATION

By Sibusiso Mabuza a Ph.D. student in Mathematics at The University of Houston

The human can only survive by changing nature. As science and technology advances rapidly to higher levels, we get answers to the most complex of problems in life. One of these complex issues, currently facing Southern Africa and indeed other parts of Africa is the shortage of clean fresh water. In Swaziland for instance, the question has come up on several occasions on how a reliable source of fresh clean water can be obtained, especially in the drought stricken lowveld region where boreholes are an absolute necessity. The question is, how can the persistent drought that has brought about harsh realities to the rural subsistence farmer in the Ngwavuma valley as well as to the sophisticated vineyards of the Western Cape be subdued? Population growth, economic expansion, and increased pollution by mines and industries continue to make it harder and harder to get clean sources of water. This leaves us with no alternative but to seek revolutionary cutting edge solutions. Could Nuclear Desalination be the answer?

We are surrounded by water, well seawater, which is not drinkable. The process of nuclear desalination would use nuclear power to facilitate the reverse osmosis that is a key step of the process. Results were produced by some research conducted saying that desalination through nuclear power can go a long way to producing the much needed freshwater. As reported in the Science Daily, nuclear power could have limited environmental impact since there will be fewer emissions, and the nuclear plants will be sited offshore carrying out desalination as well as producing electricity for communities inland. Comparing this to fossil fuel process employed in places such as Israel, this might prove more advantageous. A scientific/industrial project of this magnitude might seem farfetched for Southern Africa, but it could open new doors in the nuclear tech industry and spur growth in other sectors. Maybe it is about time we take water from the sea to the land instead of the opposite natural process. Maybe it is about time Africans change nature to better suit our ever changing way of life.

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