The sugar-daddy syndrome and girl’s education in Benin: Implications for democracy

by Kristina (Nickie) Séne. Nickie is a graduate student studying International Development Studies at Ohio University.

As a direct result of the new momentum surrounding sexual harassment internationally and the continued prevalence of teacher-student sexual relationships in the Beninese education system more specifically, several Beninese NGOs initiated an “intense lobbying” campaign of the Ministry of Education, eventually leading to the signing of a new policy on sexual harassment in schools (Wible, 2005).  This sexual harassment legislation was introduced in 2006 by Lamatou Alaza, one of the three women serving on the national assembly at the time (Amusa & Mowad, 2006).  Sexual harassment by educators has been increasingly cited as a major impediment to girls’ education and development because of the plethora of dangers and risks it generates. It is a major contributor to the high dropout rate of female students, demonstrated by UNESCO’s 2006 statistics that show for every 100 Beninese girls who enter primary school, less than 39% in urban areas and 14% in rural areas are able to transition to secondary school. This is related to the fact that sexual harassment contributes to a lack of participation and underachievement and a variety of physical and mental health issues, including the transmission of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases, early/unplanned pregnancy, a low self-esteem, and depression (Akpo, 2008). Reflecting on the  introductory article by Aggrey Willis, where he cited David Mailu’s cultural concept of democracy, it is evident that as we ‘move beyond the realm of politics’, the sugar-daddy syndrome is a vivid abuse of power and thus a peril to democracy.

Sugar-daddy, an American slang term for a rich man who offers money or gifts to a less rich younger female, in return for sexual favors, has been appropriated and adopted in Beninese culture coined by the French term, papa gâteau. Much like the unwarranted appropriation of the term sexual harassment, the term “sugar daddy” seems inappropriate for the uneven rates of exchange in these relationships. In a Western context, sugar daddy relationships are typically defined by an exchange of sex for luxury items, expensive purses, shoes or even cars, not small items like soap and charcoal. The monetary value of these latter items and their “necessity” makes these relationships more problematic and exploitative because of the risks involved for such small stakes of gain and make a significant difference in how we can address these situations.

In Benin, where one out of three girls does not attend school and the literacy rate for women between 15 and 24 is only 33.2%, there are a variety of obstacles girls face in gaining access to a safe and affordable education (United Nations, 2007). Several external barriers, which have been identified and recognized in Beninese government initiatives and NGO projects, include the price of school fees, poverty and societal norms and there has been remarkable progress in addressing these issues and increasing girls’ enrollment (Wynd, 1999). “Toutes les filles à l’école” (All girls in school), is an ongoing collaborative government campaign sponsored by various NGOs and international organizations, which has been successful in creating a visible space for girls’ education in the country and putting girls’ access to schooling at the forefront of public dialogue via government-sponsored billboards, radio programs, taxi drivers’ t-shirts and other communication development strategies. Yet, as Benin begins to approach a more equitable balance in female/male enrollment at the primary school level, a closer examination of emerging issues of gender disparity in secondary school enrollment has brought about the unfortunate realization that schools are often perceived as unsafe environments for girls. Led by development practitioners, educators, and researchers, this realization has led the Beninese government to pay more attention to the numerous obstacles and safety issues which restrict or limit female achievement, enrollment, and overall wellbeing inside the classroom (Akpo, 2008). 

In my own study, I explore sexual relationships between teachers and students in an ethnographic approach that attempted to categorize and conceptualize sexual harassment via culturally specific perceptions of the phenomenon. During the initial field work, I found that all parties (parents, teachers, administrators and students) were open to admitting that teacher-student sexual relationships do occur. However these parties have conflicting views as to who initiates these relationships and how they should be viewed. Although, there have been limited radio programs or television shows which have addressed the topic publically, individuals involved in these relationships typically remain silent due to the stigma attached to premarital sex and the taboo nature of the interactions. Rural media strategies must be more fully developed in order to reach populations living outside of Benin’s larger cities and regional capitals. Current laws and policies turned out to be problematic, as “protecting” girls from teachers turns out to be much more complicated than condemning teacher violators since the primary justification for student/teacher sexual relationships was more deeply rooted in poverty, development disparities, and limited social mobility options.

Sex between teachers and students emerged as a very transactional process: a direct exchange of sex for money (with poverty or development disparities as a motivating factor) and/or grades (with corruption of the system as a major factor). Although the practice of giving lower grades/scores than deserved as a punishment for girls who refuse teachers’ advances is critical and must not be undermined here or elsewhere, many relationships in schools are in fact perceived as consensual, although poverty-induced,  and involve complex levels of silent or overt parental encouragement and normalization. The implications of economic disparities and developmental opportunity become important in understanding the root causes of teacher-student relationships because they create economic incentives for students and parents to accept them.

The complexities of parental complacency came up repeatedly as research participants suggested that low-income families were more likely to accept teachers' advances because of a combination of the monetary benefits of these relationships and as a result of the loss of negotiating power between parents and their daughters. Many student participants made a distinction between rich and poor students emphasizing that rich girls exchanged sex for grades whereas poor girls were more likely to accept their teachers' advances in exchange for money or gifts. The direct benefits of sleeping with teachers included extra points on assignments and exams, more leniency in the classroom, peer prestige and material gifts like cell phones, shoes, jewelry, bags, fabric or pocket money to purchase small everyday items such as phone credit, soap, snacks and meals, hair braiding, or make-up.

Top-down government policies addressing sexual harassment have proven to be insufficient, granting the media the critical role of changing local perceptions of the phenomenon and creating more open space for dialogue addressing these issues at the community level. If the media is to effectively execute its role as society’s watchdog, there is a need to resurrect this public dialogue, and direct it towards pragmatic solutions. Viewing the girl students’ role in the phenomenon as active agents, initiating, accepting and refusing these relationships versus helpless victims should aid in changing development strategies.