Soap-operatization Of Politics In Madagascar

by Domoina Rakotoson who is a graduate student studying African Studies at Ohio University


Failing to be a model of peaceful succession of regimes and leaders, African politics has the sad merit to provide us with a variety of dramas as interesting as soap operas¹ . Each season is never without sudden revivals. Moreover, the main characters persist years after years at the front scene, never too old to retire. After years of silence, a character reappears as if they never left; and the audience, who had asked for his departure, is now acclaiming this triumphant return. The case of Madagascar illustrates an interesting example of political resistance, and probably the collective short memory of a people.

On March 17th, Andry Rajoelina the mayor of Antananarivo, backed by the army, overthrew Marc Ravalomanana, two times elected president. Rajoelina’s main argument was that Ravalomanana was a dictator who had enriched himself at the expense of the population. What has happened since then? A large crowd as numerous as the one that supported Rajoelina held daily demonstration in Antananarivo, denouncing the coup and asking for the prompt return to power of Ravalomanana. They shouted: “ Avereno dadanay! Avereno dadanay!” (“Give us back our dad!”) referring to Ravalomanana as the father of the nation. It progressively appeared however that a return of Ravalomanana in the country would create more problems than solutions.  Spreading to other cities  and abroad, especially in France where there is a strong Malagasy Diaspora, the movement progressively changed into agitation for a return to constitutional rule and a call for elections. Web political activism vigorously participated to spread news and opinion, where debates were usually harsher. On his part, Ravalomanana continued his self advocacy through visitations to various African leaders and institutions. From Swaziland he went to Libya, en route South Africa where he finally settled. The international community seemed also confused about the situation. Although it did not recognize the high authority of transition led by the puschist Rajoelina,  neither did it support the return of Ravalomanana to power. The African community suggested mediation to find a solution about the crisis- the stalemate of today. 

To fully understand the following episodes, let us go back briefly to the political history of Madagascar and review all the characters. Before his election as president, Ravalomanana was the mayor of Antananarivo from 1999 to 2001 during Didier Ratsiraka’s presidential mandate. He won the 2001 presidential elections against Ratsiraka, after a long conflict which paralyzed the country for seven months. In July 2002, the Constitutional Court finally recognized Ravalomanana as the winner of the first round of the elections with 51.46 % after the recount of the votes. Ratsiraka left the country for the second time in his life–the first was after losing the 1993 elections. In 1991, Ratsiraka was forced to step down from power after a general strike led  by Albert Zafy, another central character in this soap opera. Amazingly, Ratsiraka soon came back to power, through elections. In total, Ratsiraka has participated in six out of the seven presidential elections held in Madagascar since 1975², winning four. During his last mandate (1997-2001), he was criticized and even mocked to be too old. No one would have bet to see him back in 2009.

Zafy, mentioned above, is another interesting character whose moment of glory was during the 1991 crisis and the victory over Ratsiraka during the 1993 elections. Nonetheless, three years later he was impeached by the National Assembly- a defeat that did not prevent him from running for the next presidential elections – against Ratsiraka (again!) – in 1997 (49%) and 2001(5.07%).

Now, the three gladiators - Ravalomanana, Ratsiraka and Zafy are back after an invitation to join efforts in solving the crisis in Madagascar. But why involve Ratsiraka and Zafy? The former, rumored to have been involved in the coup, is coming from exile in Paris since 2002, while the latter’s only merit seems to be his political perseverance. It is hard to understand. The unofficial explanation is that the 2002 political crisis has never been completely resolved. In fact, Ratsiraka‘s henchmen have continued to stand against Ravalomanana, especially because of the condemnations of some former leaders. On his part, Zafy has always advocated for a National Reconciliation after the 2002 crisis, without substantial success. He has gathered around him some political loyalists who are opposed to Ravalomanana and Ratsiraka.

The First Maputo Conference (because there will be a second one like those successful movies) on August 5th was held to find durable solutions to the Malagasy crisis and to prepare anticipated presidential elections. It was organized by the SADC under the mediation of Joaquim Chissano, the former Mozambican president. A government of “opening” was suggested whereby the four parties would share power. This appearance of successful accord soon evaporated since the four parties did not understand its dynamics.. Who was going to do what? Who is going to be where? The main obstacle is that Rajoelina did not make any concession to let go of the key positions - presidency of the transition and prime-minister.. Although the three other parties would accept, surely bitterly, that the presidency belongs to Rajoelina, they did not accept the prime minister position to remain in Rajoelina’s camp. The impasse led to the Maputo II (26-28th August 2009), another meeting to clarify the application of the first accord. The communiqué of Maputo II is unfortunately bleak and no exit to the crisis seems visible.

Like soap operas, the main characters remain and the story development is slow, paddling through. The current political crisis in Madagascar illustrates how hitherto overthrown, impeached, and ousted presidents are back to the political arena. But what is sad is that the young generation has learned a negative lesson-to keep a firm hold onto power (acquired legally or not). When Rajoelina fought for the resignation of Ravalomanana, he claimed that he was not interested to be the president but to lead the transition. Only a few months after, he is the main impediment to the application of the first Maputo accord. Ironically, the status of the mediator of the Malagasy crisis  Joaquim Chissano, recipient of the Mo Ibrahim prize, which is given to any president who accepts to retire from power to allow peaceful political transition does not seem to have inspired any soul searching in Madagascar’s political characters regarding their exit from long seasons of power . If the ‘big heads’ in the political arena are having an iron grip onto power, the other characters are waffling. Regrettably, the population is the first victim and it will take time for the economy to rebound again. The deadline of 40 days given by the SADC to solve the crisis has now expired; international sanctions are looming to be slammed on the country. Even though the population has hopelessly accepted these political dinosaurs, it is without a doubt that they hope for a better end, a real finale without reruns. While waiting, follow the story for I am sure the next episodes will be full of interesting revivals, nevertheless.

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¹ A drama, typically performed as a serial on daytime television or radio, characterized by stock characters and situations, sentimentality, and melodrama

² Ratsiraka was accepted as the new head of state after the referendum of 21st December 1975; then won the elections of 1982, 1989 and 1997